Political Conflict, Social Inequality, and Electoral Cleavages in the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland, 1990–2018

Lindner, Attila; Novokmet, Filip; Piketty, Thomas; Zawisza, Tomasz

doi:10.2307/j.ctv209xnfn.11

Cited by 5 publications

(7 citation statements)

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“…There is no survey evidence on voter preferences for debt relief. However, it is likely that some Hungarian voters without FC debt, including those who borrowed in domestic currency, would have opposed debt relief and believed that FC debtors should not be bailed out for taking on exchange rate 37 This logic is also supported by the Polish example where the communist party transitioned into the social-democratic party (Lindner et al (2020)), and during the crisis, the right-wing offered bailout policy for FC debtors (Ahlquist, Copelovitch, and Walter (2020)).…”

Section: B Creditor-debtor Conflictmentioning

confidence: 98%

“…To establish credibility for its commitment to a market economy, its policies were more conservative and market‐friendly than traditional social‐democratic parties (Lindner et al. (2020)).…”

Section: Mechanismsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…To establish credibility for its commitment to a market economy, its policies were more conservative and market-friendly than traditional socialdemocratic parties (Lindner et al (2020)). 37 Second, relative to populist parties, establishment parties may view the economic costs of modifying debt contracts as being higher.…”

Section: B Creditor-debtor Conflictmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Financial Crisis, Creditor‐Debtor Conflict, and Populism

Gyongyosi¹,

Verner

2022

The Journal of Finance

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We study the impact of debtor distress on support for a populist far-right political party during a financial crisis. Our empirical approach exploits variation in exposure to foreign currency household loans during a currency crisis in Hungary. Foreign currency debt exposure leads to a large, persistent increase in support for the populist far right. We document that the far right advocated for foreign currency debtors' interests by proposing aggressive debt relief and was rewarded with support from these voters. Our findings are consistent with theories emphasizing that conflict between creditors and debtors can shape political outcomes after financial crises.CAN A HOUSEHOLD DEBT CRISIS boost support for a populist political party? Financial crises, including the 2008 global financial crisis, are often followed by

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Section: B Creditor-debtor Conflictmentioning

confidence: 98%

Section: Mechanismsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Financial Crisis, Creditor‐Debtor Conflict, and Populism

Gyongyosi¹,

Verner

2022

The Journal of Finance

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“…2 PiS is classified as a populist party according to each major classification scheme of political parties-see, for example, Norris (2020), Rooduijn et al (2019) and Zulianello and Larsen (2021). 3 See Haggard and Kaufman (2021) and Lindner et al (2021) for an in-depth discussion of the recent evolution of Polish political and party systems. 4 See Online Appendix D for a detailed description of the Family 500+ programme.…”

Section: Endnotesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…33 See Haggard and Kaufman (2021) and Lindner et al . (2021) for an in‐depth discussion of the recent evolution of Polish political and party systems.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

When populists deliver on their promises: the electoral effects of a large cash transfer programme in Poland

Gromadzki,

Sałach,

Brzeziński

2023

Economica

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We estimate the effects of the introduction of a large cash transfer programme on support for the ruling populist party in Poland. We exploit the variation at the municipal level in the annual cash transfer amount received per capita, and use a difference‐in‐differences research design to study the electoral effects of the transfer. Our results show that a cash transfer amount of $100 per capita translated into an increase in the vote share for the ruling party of nearly two percentage points. One‐third of additional votes came from new voters coming off the sidelines, and the remaining electoral gains were due to voters who had previously voted for other parties. The effects of the programme are persistent, as we see no decrease in the magnitude of effects seven years after the introduction.

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Between communism and capitalism: long-term inequality in Poland, 1892–2015

Bukowski

Novokmet

2021

J Econ Growth

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We construct the first consistent series on the long-term distribution of income in Poland by combining tax, household survey and national accounts data. We document a U-shaped evolution of inequalities from the end of the nineteenth century until today: (1) inequality was high before WWII; (2) abruptly fell after the introduction of communism in 1947 and stagnated at low levels during the whole communist period; (3) experienced a sharp rise with the return to capitalism in 1989. We find that official survey-based measures strongly under-estimate the rise in inequality since 1989. Our results highlight the prominent role of capital income in driving the U-shaped evolution of top income shares. The unique inequality history of Poland speaks to the central role of institutions and policies in shaping inequality in the long run.

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Political Conflict, Social Inequality, and Electoral Cleavages in the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland, 1990–2018

Cited by 5 publications

References 0 publications

Financial Crisis, Creditor‐Debtor Conflict, and Populism

Financial Crisis, Creditor‐Debtor Conflict, and Populism

When populists deliver on their promises: the electoral effects of a large cash transfer programme in Poland

Between communism and capitalism: long-term inequality in Poland, 1892–2015

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