Political Bias in the Irish Media: A Quantitative Study of Campaign Coverage during the 2002 General Election

Brandenburg, Heinz

doi:10.1080/07907180500359350

Cited by 52 publications

(66 citation statements)

References 11 publications

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“…Esta tendencia hacia la cobertura negativa de la política se ha probado que existe tanto en Estados Unidos como en Europa occidental (Brandenberg, 2005;Lengauer, Esser, y Berganza, 2012;Patterson, 1994). Por otro lado, otra investigación llevada a cabo entre periodistas de cuatro países (Dinamarca, Alemania, Gran Bretaña y España) revela que las relaciones entre los personajes políticos y los/las periodistas (las presiones políticas o el funcionamiento de los gabinetes de comunicación políticos) generan tambi n "cinismo" (apatía y desinter s) dentro de la profesión informativa, y que este es detectable en las informaciones políticas que los/as profesionales elaboran y transmiten a la ciudadanía (Van Dalen et al, 2011).…”

Section: La Influencia De La Información Política En La Ciudadaníaunclassified

La negatividad en las informaciones políticas de los medios españoles

Berganza¹,

Calderón²,

Pascual³

2016

RLCS

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Una gran cantidad de estudios vinculan el grado de negatividad de las informaciones políticas con la apatía y el desinterés de la ciudadanía hacia la política y la clase política (teoría de la espiral del cinismo). Metodología: Este estudio analiza el nivel de negatividad mediante un análisis de contenido cuantitativo de un total de 563 piezas informativas procedentes de 10 medios españoles (3 periódicos, 2 cadenas nacionales de televisión y 5 medios online). Se estudia su variabilidad en función de las características del medio y de la información a través de un índice que incluye indicadores de tonalidad, conflictividad, incapacidad y caracterización elaborados por Leanguer, Esser y Berganza (2012). Resultados y conclusiones: Los resultados confirman que los medios españoles muestran las informaciones políticas en términos negativos, aunque con niveles inferiores a otros países europeos. Tienen más negatividad las piezas sobre temas controvertidos, producidas en formatos de mayor implicación y publicadas en medios impresos y de titularidad privada.

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Section: La Influencia De La Información Política En La Ciudadaníaunclassified

La negatividad en las informaciones políticas de los medios españoles

Berganza¹,

Calderón²,

Pascual³

2016

RLCS

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“…GreenPedersen, Mortensen, & Thesen, 2015;Hopmann, de Vreese, & Albaek, 2011;Tresch, 2009). In particular, whether a party is in government or not substantially affects its presence in the news (Brandenburg, 2005;Green-Pedersen et al, 2015;Hopmann et al, 2011;Schoenbach, De Ridder, & Lauf, 2001). We expect this to also hold for the EP election campaigns (see also Jalali & Silva, 2011).…”

Section: Theorizing Mediatized Partisan Mobilization Efforts In Recenmentioning

confidence: 99%

Has Eurosceptic Mobilization Become More Contagious? Comparing the 2009 and 2014 EP Election Campaigns in The Netherlands and France

Meijers

Rauh

2016

PaG

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With the lingering Euro crisis, personalized competition for the Commission presidency, and a surge of Eurosceptic parties, the 2014 European Parliament elections took place against an unknown level of European Union politicization. How does this changing context affect the supply side of party competition on European issues in EP election campaigns? This article compares the 2014 and 2009 EP elections in two EU founding members with high electoral support for radical left and radical right Euroscepticism-France and the Netherlands. We study publically visible patterns of partisan mobilization in the written news media with semi-automated content analyses. The data indicate that visible party mobilization on EU issues was on average not significantly higher in 2014. While particularly mainstream and especially incumbent parties publically mobilize on European issues during both campaigns, the radical right's mobilization efforts have become more visible during the 2014 elections. Examining the temporal dynamics within electoral campaigns, we show that the Eurosceptic fringes exhibit significant contagion effects on the mainstream parties, but that the extent of this contagion was surprisingly lower in the 2014 campaign. As a result, the increasing EU politicization between the 2009 and 2014 electoral contests has not resulted in an enhanced and more interactive supply of partisan debate about Europe.

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“…Further, biased news reporting leads to the marginalization of certain social groups, misperceptions of political agendas, and public disenchantment and cynicism (Brandenburg, 2005). Researchers have embarked on empirical studies of bias in news on elections (Brandenburg, 2005;Hopmann, de Vreese, & Albaek, 2011;Kahn & Kenney, 2002;Robinson & Sheehan, 1983), wars (Aday, 2010;Aday, Livingston, & Hebert, 2005;Dickson, 1994;Entman & Page, 1994;Pfau et al, 2004), and foreign countries (Chaudhary, 2001;Jones, 2008;Meyer, 1989;Miller, 2007), but there is little agreement on how to define or measure news bias.…”

Section: Ukraine Crisismentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In the empirical studies, one school of thought defines the lack of objectivity in news as unbalanced coverage of different subjects (Brandenburg, 2005;Cushion, Lewis, & Groves, 2009;D'Alessio & Allen, 2000;Dominick, 1977;Hopmann, Aelst, & Legnante, 2012). Within this conception of news bias, researchers focus on the sheer number of articles and the length of airtime allocated to certain issues, events or actors.…”

Section: Ukraine Crisismentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The Fairness Doctrine of the Federal Communication Commission, which required American broadcasters to produced 'balanced' news reporting on public agendas between 1949 and 1987, has strongly affected the concept of news bias in scholarly debates, but 'balance' in news reporting is not so obvious in countries where the political landscape is more complex and the simple 50-50 benchmark derived from the US twoparty system does not hold (Hopmann et al, 2012). Some researchers of European media have resorted to benchmarks constructed based on the number of seats political parties hold in legislatures (Brandenburg, 2005), but it seems unrealistic to expect equal coverage of political groups in polarized media systems where partisan journalism is the norm. As a result of this, empirical studies on news bias have concentrated in the United States.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Measuring news bias: Russia’s official news agency ITAR-TASS’ coverage of the Ukraine crisis

Watanabe

2017

European Journal of Communication

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Objectivity in news reporting is one of the most widely discussed topics in journalism, and a number of studies on bias in news have been conducted, but there is little agreement on how to define or measure news bias. Aiming to settle the theoretical and methodological disagreement, the author redefined news bias and applied a new methodology to detect the Russian government’s influence on ITAR-TASS during the Ukraine crisis. A longitudinal content analysis of over 35,000 English-language newswires on the Ukraine crisis published by ITAR-TASS and Interfax clearly showed that ITAR-TASS’ framing of Ukraine was reflecting desirability of pivotal events in the crisis to the Russian government. This result reveals Russia’s strategic use of the state-owned news agency for international propaganda in its ‘hybrid war’, demonstrating the effectiveness of the new approach to news bias.

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Political Bias in the Irish Media: A Quantitative Study of Campaign Coverage during the 2002 General Election

Cited by 52 publications

References 11 publications

La negatividad en las informaciones políticas de los medios españoles

La negatividad en las informaciones políticas de los medios españoles

Has Eurosceptic Mobilization Become More Contagious? Comparing the 2009 and 2014 EP Election Campaigns in The Netherlands and France

Measuring news bias: Russia’s official news agency ITAR-TASS’ coverage of the Ukraine crisis

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