Political argumentation and violations of audience expectations: An analysis of the bush‐rather encounter

Kaid, Lynda Lee; Downs, Valerie C.; Ragan, Sandra L.

doi:10.1080/08838159009386722

Cited by 8 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 5 publications

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“…The literature is of two minds when it comes to the likely consequences of violating audience expectations. On the one hand, audiences may dismiss or discount messages from speakers who violate expectations about appropriate speech (Burgoon & Miller, 1985;Kaid & Downs, 1990). On the other hand, expectancy violations might draw attention and prompt scrutiny, rather than simply serving as a basis to reject the message (Baker & Petty, 1994;Goodstein, 1993;Petty, Fleming, Priester, & Feinstein, 2001;Maheswaran & Chaiken, 1991;Maheswaran, Mackie, & Chaiken, 1992;Smith & Petty, 1996).…”

Section: Identity Matchmentioning

confidence: 99%

Values-based Political Messages and Persuasion: Relationships among Speaker, Recipient, and Evoked Values

Nelson

Garst

2005

Political Psychology

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The persuasive power of values-based political messages may depend on recipients having (1) shared values with the speaker (a type of personal identity match); (2) shared political party identifications with the speaker (a type of social identity match); and/or (3) expectations about values traditionally associated with different political parties (an expectancy violation/confirmation). The independent and joint effects of these factors on the success of a persuasive message were examined, using the theoretical framework of dual-process models of persuasion. Participants (N = 301), classified according to their party identifications and primary value orientations, read a political speech that varied by argument quality, speaker party, and values evoked. Results indicated that value matching promotes close attention to the message, while party mismatching increases message rejection. These effects depend to some extent, however, on expectancies about values traditionally associated with different parties. Participants especially rejected messages from rival party members when the speaker evoked unexpected values. Results are discussed in terms of their implications for the efficacy of values-based political communication.Political leaders and policy makers who wish to persuade regularly draw on the power of values-based language. In the United States, supporters of affirmative action, for example, often appeal to egalitarian values by suggesting that society has an obligation to correct the effects of past discrimination, whereas opponents appeal to individualistic values by suggesting that every person should

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Section: Identity Matchmentioning

confidence: 99%

Values-based Political Messages and Persuasion: Relationships among Speaker, Recipient, and Evoked Values

Nelson

Garst

2005

Political Psychology

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“…By normative 30 TEUN VAN DUK standards, such argumentation will of course tend to use argumentative fallacies of many different kinds, as long as they are politically expedient. Good policies of opponents may thus be discredited by ad hominem attacks on opponents, and vice versa, bad policies may be concealed by focussing attention on the good qualities or intentions of those who defend them (see e.g., Agar 1987;Billig 1988Billig , 1991Fischer & Forester 1993;Kaid, Downs & Ragan 1990;Maas 1984;Smit 1989;Strauber 1986).…”

Section: Superstructures or Textual 'Schemata'mentioning

confidence: 99%

What is Political Discourse Analysis?

Dijk

1997

BJL

471

263

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“…Along the lines of these assumptions, Kaid, Downs, and Ragan (1990) look at audience evaluations of an interviewer, Dan Rather, in the wake of an exceptionally adversarial interview with then-Vice President George Bush, in which:…”

Section: Incivility and Attitude Formationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…(p. 12) Their findings suggest a causal link between ''several violations of conversational norms'' and ''intense viewer responses'' to the interview. The association between the breach of social norms in interviews and audience response remains conjectural, however, since Kaid et al (1990) did not put this specific proposition to empirical testing. Mutz and Reeves's (2005) research on incivility, which links infringements of conversational norms (in the televised setting) to attitudes toward social institutions, provides the clearest available starting point for studying the consequences of interview style.…”

Section: Incivility and Attitude Formationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Interview Effects: Theory and Evidence for the Impact of Televised Political Interviews on Viewer Attitudes

Ben‐Porath¹

2010

Communication Theory

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Although political interviews have been a mainstay of U.S. television, they are undertheorized in the media effects tradition. This article seeks to ground possible interview effects into theory-particularly to recent developments in the study of incivility and its effect on public opinion. An experiment-based study finds that viewers are likely to think more negatively about journalists in an environment marked by uncivil interviewing. At the same time, exposure to interviews perceived as not sufficiently adversarial could also reduce trust in journalists, which suggests that the effect extends beyond the question of incivility, depending on viewers' expectations. Beyond the particular findings, this study indicates the possibilities of a research agenda centering on political televised interviews and their social implications.

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Political argumentation and violations of audience expectations: An analysis of the bush‐rather encounter

Cited by 8 publications

References 5 publications

Values-based Political Messages and Persuasion: Relationships among Speaker, Recipient, and Evoked Values

Values-based Political Messages and Persuasion: Relationships among Speaker, Recipient, and Evoked Values

What is Political Discourse Analysis?

Interview Effects: Theory and Evidence for the Impact of Televised Political Interviews on Viewer Attitudes

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