Abstract:In Madrid, as in many European cities, air pollution is known about and made accountable through techno-scientific monitoring processes based on data, and the toxicity of the air is defined through epidemiological studies and made political through policy. In 2009, Madrid's City Council changed the location of its air quality monitoring stations without notice, reducing the average pollution of the city and therefore provoking a public scandal. This scandal challenged the monitoring process, as the data that u… Show more
“…Public health engagement with NCDs has, thus far lacked the concern with social (in)justice, activism and advocacy that has long characterised the environmental justice movement. Making toxicity ‘knowable and accountable’ through the policy sphere of NCDs might go some way to opening‐up much‐needed spaces for the kinds of ‘citizen intervention’ (Cavillo ) that could ensure greater global action.…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Yet, the inclusion of air pollution as a NCD risk factor draws attention to the health effects of ambient and inescapable air, the toxicity of which exhibits significant and complex spatial variations (Li ). Moreover and as with all toxins, measuring individual exposure is inherently complex (Cavillo ) and the process of ascribing health effects to air pollution is subject to significant uncertainty (Jerrett et al . 2017, Kwan ).…”
Section: Toxicity and The New Optics Of Ncdsmentioning
Until recently, the noncommunicable disease (NCD) category was composed of four chronic diseases (cancer, cardiovascular disease, diabetes and chronic respiratory disease) and four shared, ‘modifiable’ behavioural risk factors (smoking, diet, physical activity and alcohol). In late 2018, the NCD category was expanded to include mental health as an additional disease outcome and air pollution as an explicit environmental risk factor. The newly‐expanded NCD category connects behavioural and environmental readings of risk and shifts attention from individual acts of consumption to unequal and inescapable conditions of environmental exposure. It thus renders the increasing ‘toxicity’ of everyday life amid ubiquitous environmental contamination a new conceptual and empirical concern for NCD research. It also, as this paper explores, signals a new ‘optics’ of a much‐maligned disease category. This is particularly significant as chronic disease research has long been siloed between public and environmental health, with each discipline operationalising the notion of the ‘environment’ as a source of disease causation in contrasting ways. Given this, this paper is positioned as a significant contribution to both research on NCDs and environmental risk, bringing these interdisciplinary domains into a new critical conversation around the concept of toxicity.
“…Public health engagement with NCDs has, thus far lacked the concern with social (in)justice, activism and advocacy that has long characterised the environmental justice movement. Making toxicity ‘knowable and accountable’ through the policy sphere of NCDs might go some way to opening‐up much‐needed spaces for the kinds of ‘citizen intervention’ (Cavillo ) that could ensure greater global action.…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Yet, the inclusion of air pollution as a NCD risk factor draws attention to the health effects of ambient and inescapable air, the toxicity of which exhibits significant and complex spatial variations (Li ). Moreover and as with all toxins, measuring individual exposure is inherently complex (Cavillo ) and the process of ascribing health effects to air pollution is subject to significant uncertainty (Jerrett et al . 2017, Kwan ).…”
Section: Toxicity and The New Optics Of Ncdsmentioning
Until recently, the noncommunicable disease (NCD) category was composed of four chronic diseases (cancer, cardiovascular disease, diabetes and chronic respiratory disease) and four shared, ‘modifiable’ behavioural risk factors (smoking, diet, physical activity and alcohol). In late 2018, the NCD category was expanded to include mental health as an additional disease outcome and air pollution as an explicit environmental risk factor. The newly‐expanded NCD category connects behavioural and environmental readings of risk and shifts attention from individual acts of consumption to unequal and inescapable conditions of environmental exposure. It thus renders the increasing ‘toxicity’ of everyday life amid ubiquitous environmental contamination a new conceptual and empirical concern for NCD research. It also, as this paper explores, signals a new ‘optics’ of a much‐maligned disease category. This is particularly significant as chronic disease research has long been siloed between public and environmental health, with each discipline operationalising the notion of the ‘environment’ as a source of disease causation in contrasting ways. Given this, this paper is positioned as a significant contribution to both research on NCDs and environmental risk, bringing these interdisciplinary domains into a new critical conversation around the concept of toxicity.
“…The evidence that underpins most inequality analysis is that generated by metrological regimes of air pollution monitoring (Barry, 2005). These typically involve measurement at sparsely located monitoring stations undertaken at coarse through to finer temporal resolutions (Buzzelli, 2008;Calvillo, 2018), along sometimes with modelling techniques that can be can be used to 'fill the space' between monitoring stations, generating a dynamic air quality surface (Buzzelli, 2018). Such finer grained spatiotemporal representations of air quality are not though routinely available for many urban places around the world, meaning that in practice much of the intrinsic rhythmicity we have been concerned with is invisible or obscured.…”
Inspired by Lefebvre’s meditation on the rhythms seen from his apartment in Paris, we develop a novel rhythmanalytic account of urban air pollution, its breathing-in and impact in vulnerable bodies. We conceptualise urban air pollution as entwined in its making and consequence with the diverse rhythms of technologies, social practices and socio-temporal structures, environmental and atmospheric processes, bodily movements in space and time, and rhythmically constituted corporeality. Through this interdisciplinary account we position urban air pollution as integral to the ‘beat’ of the city, both a product of and constituent part of its evolving spatiotemporal form. We build on this foundation to develop a polyrhythmic conceptualisation of how certain places and lives are more dominated by pollution than others. Unequal patternings are made through the structuring effects of rhythmic repetition and by fatal intersections between the rhythms of polluted air and unequal capacities to avoid harmful breathing in and to resist the arrhythmic corporeal consequences that can follow. Understanding inequalities as manifest not within a static landscape of spatial relations, but in sets of unequally unfolding and structured polyrhythmic relations has implications for revealing patterns of inequality and for extending evidence-making more deeply into how rhythms intersect. Which and whose rhythms are to be intervened in are also considered as key ethical and political questions. We draw out implications for activism and community action, and identify the potential for bringing rhythmanalysis into productive engagement with broader environmental justice concerns, including in relation to recent COVID-19 experiences.
“…Rather, by taking a technique that normally exists within the domain of natural sciences or legal arbitration, and using it to publicly interpellate the soil as contaminated, soil coring emerges as a technique for sensing injustice. It demonstrates that "toxicity is not only about quantifiable concentrations embodied in bioscientific ways of knowing, but is also about cultural understandings of it" (Calvillo 2018). A scientific demonstration of the presence of toxicants in these soils cannot be divorced from the questions of injustice that such toxicity implies.…”
The well platform is quiet in the afternoon heat of the Amazon. Two schoolaged children in matching uniforms wander across the empty dirt rectangle carved out of the forest on their way home. I am with a group of photographers, on a "Toxic Tour" to document the pollution left in the soil after two decades of extraction by the Texaco Company 1 in Ecuador. Although Texaco left the country in the 1990s, oil extraction has since continued with the state and other foreign companies that operate in the region today. Donald, our guide, has brought the group to this site in order to illustrate the ways that residents' lives are entangled with industry and struggles for justice. Here it is common to find houses that are immediately adjacent to, or sometimes even located on top of, waste pits of buried crude oil. Heading toward the house bordering the well platform, we walk through a narrow passage in the fence. Signs of life-outgrown shoes, a stray tunafish can-litter the yard. A sheep bleats in the brush. Donald indicates with his hand a depression in the land just a few meters from the house; it is a rectangular indentation as though years ago an old swimming pool had been dug, filled in, and then overgrown with grass. This will be today's operating theater, and we are the spectators. Setting up a small plastic table in one corner, Donald and his assistants begin to dig with a hand auger, a metal tool for extracting shallow, subsurface soil cores. At first, the dirt resists, and then gives way under their effort. One core sample is pulled up, then another, and another-each approxi
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