Abstract:The police say brutal things. Research has documented how officers, when amongst themselves, talk about people in derogatory ways or openly fantasize about the use of excessive violence. In the literature, such backstage talk is in general analyzed in two ways: It is understood as proof of how the police really think – as evidencing police (im)morality or misconduct. Alternatively, scholars argue that police officers’ transgressive talk is a warped yet nevertheless meaning-generating way for them to deal with … Show more
“…13 In this account of firefighters claiming adultery with each others' spouses in their "shit-talkin' institution," what could be the basis of a fight becomes the basis of fellowship (Desmond 2007: 94-96). "Talking shit" or "bullshitting" (Frankfurt 2009) is a form of emotive sociability (Sausdal 2020;Simmel 1984) based on group culture, building coordination, and, ultimately, if successful, creating additional commitment.…”
How does profanity contribute to community at work? While obscene talk might be viewed as contrary to the establishment of collegial ties, such discourse can, under the right circumstances, reinforce group sociality as well as challenge hierarchical control. In some sites of labor, participants are permitted—even expected—to use “bad language.” Rather than undermining local culture, this form of communication supports it by revealing the intensity of salient moments. We situate profanity as a means of deepening group membership (affiliation), defining a status hierarchy (division), and delineating boundaries (distinction). Not all workplaces are characterized by profanity, but those that are we label “obscenity factories,” emphasizing the production of community through conversational deviance. To examine this process, we utilize descriptive ethnographies of trauma doctors in war zones, restaurant cooks, wildland firefighters, and correction officers.
“…13 In this account of firefighters claiming adultery with each others' spouses in their "shit-talkin' institution," what could be the basis of a fight becomes the basis of fellowship (Desmond 2007: 94-96). "Talking shit" or "bullshitting" (Frankfurt 2009) is a form of emotive sociability (Sausdal 2020;Simmel 1984) based on group culture, building coordination, and, ultimately, if successful, creating additional commitment.…”
How does profanity contribute to community at work? While obscene talk might be viewed as contrary to the establishment of collegial ties, such discourse can, under the right circumstances, reinforce group sociality as well as challenge hierarchical control. In some sites of labor, participants are permitted—even expected—to use “bad language.” Rather than undermining local culture, this form of communication supports it by revealing the intensity of salient moments. We situate profanity as a means of deepening group membership (affiliation), defining a status hierarchy (division), and delineating boundaries (distinction). Not all workplaces are characterized by profanity, but those that are we label “obscenity factories,” emphasizing the production of community through conversational deviance. To examine this process, we utilize descriptive ethnographies of trauma doctors in war zones, restaurant cooks, wildland firefighters, and correction officers.
“…On a more minor scale, this has involved everything from detectives asking questions about my background, and who (if anyone) I know in the police, to them asking about my political and moral beliefs. Moreover, it has involved the police openly and rather provokingly talking about matters in my presence that they knew were controversial (Sausdal, 2020), such as immigration politics and policing, with some of them flaunting controversial beliefs and most of them arguing for a (much!) harsher approach.…”
Suspicion is endemic to police ethnography. As research has demonstrated, the police repeatedly probe into the ethnographer's intent and purposes. Is the ethnographer observing police work to "simply" carry out research? Or is the ethnographer actually there to help develop the profession or, worse, to deviously disclose police secrets? Yet, doing police ethnography not only involves the ethnographer being questioned by the police; it also frequently involves being asked similarly interrogating questions by academic peers. Amplified by present-day critiques of police misconduct, colleagues ask about the police ethnographer's commitment. Has the ethnographer, for example, 'gone native' and thereby lost the ability to shine a needed critical light? Bearing such question(ing)s in mind, this chapter introduces the methodological concept of "the collaborator". Using the oxymoronic meaning of the word, the chapter considers how police ethnography often involves navigating contested waters with both police and peers questioning the ethnographer's allegiances, thereby wrestling with continuous queries about whether the ethnographer is in fact collaborating with or against the police. In doing this, the chapter adds to existing methodological debates about the ethics and loyalties of (police) ethnography, pointing to how the question of suspicion and side-taking extend all the way from the offices of the police to the hallways of academia. Drawing on the author's own experiences of studying transnational policing practices across Europe, the chapter concludes by offering five recommendations as to how the police ethnographer may continue to produce quality ethnography while, for better or worse, being cast as a collaborator.
“…Police officers use brutal language, which has occasionally been the target of scholarly disapproval. 1 Taking a less critical view, other scholars have portrayed the profanity used by police officers as "analytically ordinary" (Sausdal, 2020) and no more than backstage (Goffman, 1959) bullshit (Frankfurt, 2009), lacking either specific intent or meaning (or both). Profanity, scholars have recently suggested, is not merely something the police use, but also describes a core police function: "they unfuck people's problems" (Huey & Johnston, 2023, p. 1).…”
This study focuses on police profanity, with a particular interest developing reasonable policy to regulate the use of the word "fuck." Officers employ "fuck" as a linguistic tool to accomplish a range of goals, such as establishing authority, fostering solidarity, and diffusing tension. However, "fuck" can also be used derogatorily, and negatively impact public assessments of police actions. Policy in this area is either absent, overly broad, or inappropriate to its intended use. Following brief, unstructured interviews with line and executive officers, I propose a novel policy theory of profanity, deriving target and intent. I test the theory in a pre-registered experiment administered to a sample of police and human resources executives (n=1,492), with each respondent evaluating multiple vignettes (n=5,280 observations). Results support the proposed theory and generate useful recommendations for practitioners interested in strengthening the ability of agencies to constrain professionally inappropriate use of profanity in the police workplace.
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