Plants, Man and the Land in the Vilcanota Valley of Peru

Gade, Daniel W.

doi:10.1007/978-94-010-1961-3

Cited by 84 publications

(32 citation statements)

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“…Various researchers have argued that contemporary forest fragments of native species are actually remnants of a much more extensive high Andean forest system (e.g. Gade 1975, ONERN 1986. It is likely that these forests played an important role in the political-ecology of preconquest Peru.…”

Section: The Political-economic History Of a Forest Transitionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Political-Ecology of a “Forest Transition”: Eucalyptus forestry in the Southern Peruvian Andes

Luzar¹

2007

Ethnobot. Res. App.

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Section: The Political-economic History Of a Forest Transitionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Eucalyptus globulus was introduced into the Cusco region around 1880 and within 20 years could be found in various parts of the Vilcanota Valley (Dickinson 1969, Gade 1975. Peasants first planted eucalyptus as a cash crop in the 1940s.…”

Section: The Political-economic History Of a Forest Transitionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Political-Ecology of a “Forest Transition”: Eucalyptus forestry in the Southern Peruvian Andes

Luzar¹

2007

Ethnobot. Res. App.

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“…Social esteem takes into ~ account culinary, ritual, and symbolic usefulness. Ethnobotanical evidence indicates how native crops differ in the utility that they offer to cultivators (Gade 1975;Sauer 1950) and thus suggests that such differences would differentiate the resolve of cultivators to continue prodfiction. The present study reveals the inequality of social values which are attributed to each of the native crops.…”

Section: Agricultural Diversity In Tropical and Subtropical Mountainsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Despite the economic importance of ulluco, few efforts have been made to describe intraspecific variations in the crop or unravel its evolutionary history. In one attempt, the ulluco crop was estimated to contain a greater variety of morphological types than any of the other so-called secondary tuber crops in S Peru's Vilcanota valley (Gade 1975). Substantial morphological diversity apparent in ulluco has long presented an evolutionary puzzle due to the species' supposed lack of sexual recombination and hence its assumed inability to develop botanical seed.…”

Section: Maizementioning

confidence: 99%

The loss and maintenance of native crops in mountain agriculture

Zimmerer¹

1992

GeoJournal

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The fate of agricultural biodiversity varies among the native crops produced in a mountainous region. Four native crops (potatoes, maize, ulluco, quinoa) cultivated in the southern Peruvian sierra demonstrate different patterns of cultivar loss and cultivar maintenance. Contingent social, economic and environmental conditions in mountain agriculture shape the distinct fates befalling the cultivars in each crop. Three sets of specific conditions contribute to differences in the patterning of cultivar loss and maintenance: (1) proximate conditions in the local peasant economy, particularly access among agricultural households to land, labor, and capital, and changes in the availability and quality of the three endowments; (2) the social and cultural value of the crop in the local diet and cuisine; and (3) the biogeographic patterning of cultivars. Maintenance of cultivars currently marks the ulluco and quinoa crop as well as many potato and maize types. Cultivar loss besets the fastmaturing potato S. phureja and the slow-maturing maize types. To incorporate variable in situ crop-conservation programs into development planning for montane regions requires thoroughly assessing the contingent conditions for continued production."The post-modern era has moved from genetic erosion to genetic wipe-out" (Harlan 1972: 214) "Genetic diversity in crops continues in many environments, but its continuity is particularly marked in mountain areas" (Brush 1986: 153)

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“…Stein 1961, Doughty 1968, Brush 1977, Bastien 1978, Gade 1975, Isbell 1978, Flores Ochoa 1979, Urton 1981, Skar 1982, Sallnow 1987, Allen 1988, Valderrrama and Escalante 1992. Under the left-wing governments and indigenismo movement in Bolivia and Perú during the 1960s and 70s there was also a strong political focus on recording and celebrating popular culture, including agricultural activities and craft production.…”

Section: Using the Present To Interpret The Past In The Andesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Using the present to interpret the past: the role of ethnographic studies in Andean archaeology

Sillar

Joffré

2016

World Archaeology

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Within Andean research it is common to use ethnographic analogies to aid the interpretation of archaeological remains, and ethnographers and archaeologists have developed shared research in technology, material culture and material practice. Although most of this research does not follow the detailed recording methods of spatial patterning envisioned in earlier formulations of ethnoarchaeology, it has had a profound effect on how archaeology in the region has been interpreted. This paper uses examples from the study of pottery production to address earlier debates about the use of ethnographic analogy, discusses the dangers of imposing an idealised or uniform vision of traditional Andean societies onto earlier periods ('Lo Andino') but stresses the benefits of combining ethnographic and archaeological research to explore continuities and changes in cultural practice and regional variations.

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Plants, Man and the Land in the Vilcanota Valley of Peru

Cited by 84 publications

References 0 publications

The Political-Ecology of a “Forest Transition”: Eucalyptus forestry in the Southern Peruvian Andes

The Political-Ecology of a “Forest Transition”: Eucalyptus forestry in the Southern Peruvian Andes

The loss and maintenance of native crops in mountain agriculture

Using the present to interpret the past: the role of ethnographic studies in Andean archaeology

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