Placing the Catholic Church: the moral landscape of repealing the 8th

Scriven, Richard

doi:10.5040/9781350218284.ch-011

Cited by 3 publications

(5 citation statements)

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“…By contrast, in the 2018 referendum, the Catholic hierarchy sought to avoid the impression that it was intervening directly in the process. The Church did seek to mobilise adherents by delivering pro-8 th Amendment messages through masses, vigils and letters to congregants (Scriven, 2020). However, in public-facing settings, it relied on political campaign surrogates and lay organisations that drew on claims to medical and legal (rather than religious) authority (Enright and de Londras, 2020; Scriven, 2020).…”

Section: Irelandmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Moreover, the Irish pro-life movement (of which the Catholic hierarchy and laity are important parts) has been divided since the early 1990s on the question of what constitutes a permissible life-saving abortion (Smyth, 2005). In the run-up to the 2018 referendum, the campaign against repeal was split into different groups who occasionally clashed over messaging and strategy (Field, 2018; Scriven, 2020). Some of the most prominent actors in the campaign, like the Iona Institute, are affiliated with the Catholic Church; however, rather than using religious anti-abortion messages, the anti-abortion campaign argued that the proposed law that would follow on from repeal was ‘too extreme’ for Irish voters (Field, 2018, p. 621).…”

Section: Irelandmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Persistence and Change in Morality Policy: The Role of the Catholic Church in the Politics of Abortion in Ireland and Poland

Calkin¹,

Kamińska²

2020

Feminist Review

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On the issue of abortion, Ireland and Poland have been among the most conservative countries in Europe. Their legal and cultural approaches to this issue have been deeply influenced by the institution of the Catholic Church and its purported role as a defender of an authentic national identity. However, their political climates for abortion reform are increasingly divergent: Ireland has liberalised its abortion law substantially since 2018, while Poland is moving towards further criminalisation with the repeated introduction of restrictive laws in parliament. Both have seen active pro-choice movements who mobilise for reform and widespread non-compliance with their restrictive abortion laws, but the policy impact of these trends varies significantly. What accounts for this difference? This article draws on comparative analysis of Ireland and Poland to assess their divergent trajectories on abortion reform, arguing that the most significant driver of change between the two is the disparity in influence of the Catholic Church on politics and policymaking.

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Section: Irelandmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Irelandmentioning

confidence: 99%

Persistence and Change in Morality Policy: The Role of the Catholic Church in the Politics of Abortion in Ireland and Poland

Calkin¹,

Kamińska²

2020

Feminist Review

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“…Those who campaigned to 'Vote No' were not homogenous. The main campaigns were overtly secular and the Catholic Church did not take a prominent public role (see Enright and de Londras, 2020;Scriven, 2020). The two key groupings were 'Save the 8 th ' and 'Love Both' (see Field, 2018 contestations between those who sought a 'No' vote, rather than homogeneity, agreement and unity around what the core messages should be, as illustrated through the Irish Centre for Bio-Ethical Reform (ICBR).…”

Section: Vote No: Heteroactivism and The 2018 Poster Campaignmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Those who campaigned to ‘Vote No’ were not homogenous. The main campaigns were overtly secular and the Catholic Church did not take a prominent public role (see Enright and de Londras, 2020; Scriven, 2020). The two key groupings were ‘Save the 8 th ’ and ‘Love Both’ (see Field, 2018).…”

Section: Vote No: Heteroactivism and The 2018 Poster Campaignmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Indeed, religion rarely appeared in the public submissions to the Citizens’ Assembly that preceded the referendum (de Londras and Markicevic, 2018) and, as this article shows, it did not feature in the external communications of the main ‘Vote No’ groups. Instead, secular arguments dominated, reflecting the decline of the Catholic Church in Ireland and the associated scandals (see Ryan, 2015; McAuliffe and Kennedy, 2017; Scriven, 2020). Similarly, whilst heteroactivism can be associated with the ‘far right’, and universal patterns sought and found, resistances to sexual and gender equalities are not a preserve of the far right.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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In Ireland We ‘Love Both’? Heteroactivism in Ireland’s Anti-Repeal Ephemera

Browne¹,

Nash²

2020

Feminist Review

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Resistances to sexual and gender rights are shifting and need new theorisations. This article develops the analytical concept of heteroactivism by exploring its relation to abortion debates in Ireland. Heteroactivism as an analytical category examines resistances to sexual and gender rights that seek to reiterate the place of the heteronormative family (both in terms of gender norms and heterosexuality) through activisms that can stand against new legislative orders. The article investigates three texts to explore how the ‘Vote No’ campaign in Ireland discussed ‘loving both’, but in the main thrust of the poster campaign instead focused on the foetus as an ‘unborn child’. Using textual and visual analysis, we show the creation of Ireland through seeking to ‘love both’ and create a distinction from the dangers, and foreign contagion, of England. The article concludes by arguing that ongoing work is needed to explore heteroactivism and its diverse manifestations, including in abortion debates.

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The intersection of nation and gender in the Linguistic Landscape of Ireland’s Eighth Amendment referendum campaign

Strange

2021

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In May 2018, voters in the Republic of Ireland passed a referendum proposal to repeal the Eighth Amendment of the Constitution, lifting the Irish state’s near-total ban on abortion. Scholars have argued that Ireland’s abortion ban has historically played a key role in the construction of Irish national identity along Catholic, traditional, and heteronormative lines, meaning the lead-up to the vote allowed for key insights into the discursive construction of national identity and gender in Ireland. Drawing on theoretical discussions in both the nationalism and Linguistic Landscape (LL) literature and adopting a qualitative, multimodal approach to analyse the referendum campaign’s LL, I argue that there was a dominant understanding of the relationship between women and Irish national identity, predicated on a positive stance towards Irish identity, while any dissenting voices which questioned whether advancing gender equality was compatible with nationalist ideology were confined to the margins of the debate.

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Placing the Catholic Church: the moral landscape of repealing the 8th

Cited by 3 publications

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Persistence and Change in Morality Policy: The Role of the Catholic Church in the Politics of Abortion in Ireland and Poland

Persistence and Change in Morality Policy: The Role of the Catholic Church in the Politics of Abortion in Ireland and Poland

In Ireland We ‘Love Both’? Heteroactivism in Ireland’s Anti-Repeal Ephemera

The intersection of nation and gender in the Linguistic Landscape of Ireland’s Eighth Amendment referendum campaign

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