Place assimilation

Jun, Jongho

doi:10.1017/cbo9780511486401.003

Cited by 58 publications

(125 citation statements)

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“…Voicing assimilation and place assimilation are differently supported by the English lexicon and the productive processes of English (Kiparsky, 1985;Jun, 2004;Darcy et al, 2009). However, the design of the experiment does not require them to be equally learnable, as the experiment is designed to test the interaction between the rule participants are trained on and the constraint they are tested on, rather than a main effect of the rule.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Does Learning Alternations Affect Phonotactic Judgments?

Pizzo¹,

Pater

2016

AMP

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It has long been recognized that alternations often serve to resolve violations of the phonotactic constraints of a language, and it has often been claimed that this entails a unified analysis. However, alternations and phonotactics do not always reflect identical constraints or processes. We provide experimental evidence that the learning of an alternation may affect phonotactic judgments.Participants were trained on one of two artificial languages. Each language contained evidence for one of two alternations, while not excluding the possibility that the other alternation occurs. The constraints motivating the alternations were not violated in either language. All participants were then tested on their phonotactic preference for the sequences avoided by each alternation. Experiment 1 found a significant interaction between alternation trained on and phonotactic preference, supporting the hypothesis that the learning of an alternation to avoid a sequence reduces the phonotactic acceptability of that sequence. Experiment 2 found a nonsignificant trend in the same direction. We conclude that while further investigation is needed, there is reason to consider potential interactions between alternations and phonotactics in the modeling of phonological learning.

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Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Does Learning Alternations Affect Phonotactic Judgments?

Pizzo¹,

Pater

2016

AMP

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“…For example, if a process is gradient at a given point in time, it may (if we are lucky) be reflected in spelling in all affected environments, but much more frequently in the phonetic conditions where the effect is more pronounced. For example, rates of orthographically represented regressive stop place assimilation may be directly correlated with the scalar phonetic properties of the effect, with coronal spellings altered the most and dorsal ones the least (see Jun 2004 on the scale, and Sen 2015b for a historical effect). In a similar vein, Sen (2015b) reconstructs gradient, contextually conditioned darkening in early to classical Latin onset /l/, based upon the degree of (orthographically represented) backing of the preceding vowel in different contexts (e.g.…”

Section: Unidirectionalitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Examining the life cycle of phonological processes: considerations for historical research

Sen

2016

Papers in Historical Phonology

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The life cycle of phonological processes (e.g. Bermúdez--Otero 2015) provides an account of how a sound change might develop over the history of a language, from its beginnings in the pressures of speaking and hearing, through its progress to a cognitively--controlled process and maturation into a categorical phenomenon, to its final resting--place as a lexical or morphological pattern. It has been the subject of increased research in recent times, but has faced strikingly few challenges to its diachronic aspects, notably its predictions of unidirectionality and cycle--based dialectal splits. Furthermore, the cognitive mechanisms rooted in morpheme--based learning which are required to predict domain narrowing (phrase > word > stem) rather than broadening need to be tested through child (and adult) acquisition studies. This paper examines how a historical phonologist might go about interrogating the life--cycle model using extensive historical data spanning several centuries, and methodically ascertaining what the model predicts in order to know what to look for. The paper concludes by briefly addressing some of the many other questions raised by the model which have faced comparatively little investigation given the purported pervasiveness of the life cycle. The life--cycle modelThe life cycle of phonological processes (e.g. Bermúdez--Otero 2015) provides an account of how a sound change might develop over the history of a language, from its beginnings in the pressures of speaking and hearing, through its progress to a cognitively--controlled process and maturation into a categorical phenomenon, to its final resting--place as a static lexical or morphological pattern. It has been the subject of increased research in recent times, particularly in the work of Bermúdez--Otero under the rubric of Stratal Optimality Theory (OT); this theory of phonology relates synchronic grammar (phonology and morphology) to diachronic development, in a way that has proven

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“…/wakaranai/ → /wakarnai/ → /wakannai/ 'not know'). However, it is independently known that assimilation in VC 1 C 2 V clusters almost invariably results in VC 2 C 2 V, never in VC 1 C 1 V (see Jun 1995Jun , 2003Jun , 2004Ohala 1990 andalso McCarthy 2008;Wilson 2001 for a similar observation in consonant cluster simplification). In Japanese too in fact, we observe regressive place assimilation patterns in Sino-Japanese root fusion (e.g.…”

Section: Resistance To Geminationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Japanese /r/ is not feature-less: A rejoinder to Labrune (2014)

Kawahara

2015

Open Linguistics

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Labrune (2014) argues that Japanese /r/ is structurally empty. This reply points out that the phonological characteristics of /r/ which are discussed by Labrune (2014) come with many systematic exceptions, and hence they are better modeled by violable constraints. To illustrate how violable constraints accommodate such systematic exceptions, alternative analyses based on Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky, 2004) are presented. This reply also points out that the three constraints on /r/ that are discussed by Labrune (2014) are in fact not specific to /r/, and therefore, motivating structural emptiness based on these patterns would face a problem of not being able to distinguish /r/ from other segments. Based on these considerations, this reply concludes that /r/ (and other segments) in Japanese should have segmental contents.Keywords: phonology, Japanese, /r/ 1 Introduction Labrune (2014) argues that Japanese /r/ is "phonologically empty" (p. 1). Building on previous studies making use of the Underspefication Theory (e.g. Mester & Ito 1989), Labrune (2014) says that /r/ is "totally featureless at the abstract level" (p.14). This reply article reexamines some of the evidence that is discussed in Labrune (2014), and shows that the behavior of /r/ actually shows that it has features.¹ In particular, this paper argues that the phonological characteristics of /r/ which are discussed by Labrune (2014) come with many systematic exceptions, and hence should instead be modelled by using violable constraints. To provide explicit accounts of the behavior of /r/ using violable constraints, alternative analyses in terms of Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky, 2004) are presented.² In addition, this reply also points out that the three constraints on /r/ that are discussed by Labrune (2014) are in fact not specific to /r/, and therefore, motivating structural emptiness based on these patterns would face a problem of not being able to distinguish /r/ from other segments. Based on these considerations, *Corresponding Author: Shigeto Kawahara: Keio University, Tokyo, Japan; Email: kawahara.research@gmail.com 1 Although some pieces of evidence in Labrune (2014) come from patterns of Old Japanese and historical developments of /r/, Labrune (2014) makes it explicit that the same argument holds for Modern Japanese-that Japanese /r/ is synchronically structurally empty (p.2). The current reply is exclusively about the synchronic phonology of Modern Japanese, and has nothing to say about the diachronic nature of /r/. Pellard (2014) develops an extensive critique on the diachronic claims made by Labrune (2014); readers who are interested in diachronic claims of Labrune (2014) are referred to that work. 2 Despite the fact that Labrune (2014) argues that /r/ is phonologically empty, the same paper develops an Optimality Theoretic analysis to derive /r/ to break up vowel sequences (pp. 16-21). This analysis assumes that /r/ is featurally-specified, because it uses feature-agreement constraints, which would not be computable...

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Place assimilation

Cited by 58 publications

References 0 publications

Does Learning Alternations Affect Phonotactic Judgments?

Does Learning Alternations Affect Phonotactic Judgments?

Examining the life cycle of phonological processes: considerations for historical research

Japanese /r/ is not feature-less: A rejoinder to Labrune (2014)

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