Perspectives on the Caspian Sea Dilemma: Russian Policies Since the Soviet Demise

Saivetz, Carol R.

doi:10.2747/1538-7216.44.8.588

Cited by 13 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 4 publications

(3 reference statements)

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“…According to these authors, the increase in military movement corresponds with the rising tension about the uncertain legal status of the Caspian Sea. The relevant scholars argue that Russia and Iran are by far the most dominant naval powers in the region and have already shown a willingness to use their military might to intimidate their neighbours (Karasac 2002;Saivetz 2003;Shlapentokh 2013). It has been argued that "Russia would engage in war with Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan, if its interests were ignored" (Shlapentokh 2013, 155).…”

Section: Naval Advancementmentioning

confidence: 99%

Conflict, cooperation or competition in the Caspian Sea region: A critical review of the New Great Game paradigm

Bayramov¹

2021

CASU

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This article critically reviews the New Great Game image of the Caspian Sea region and the assumptions, concepts, and mechanisms (revolving around actors, aims, and motivations) this image is based on. More specifically, this review essay answers the following questions: How does the academic literature interpret the impact of competition between great powers on social, political and economic developments in the Caspian Sea region? Which actors are presented as the dominant players? The essay also introduces the existing criticism of the New Great Game concept and alternatives to it that have already been put forward. By identifying the gaps and limits of existing scholarship, this article offers new avenues for alternative theoretical and empirical interpretations. More specifically, this article argues that the New Great Game literature promotes unsystematic and shallow discussion as it ignores and misunderstands historical, material, political, economic, and normative differences in the Caspian Sea region. Within this discussion, actors, interests, identities, social contexts, and principles are taken to be fixed, i.e. not prone to change or to any sort of adjustment.

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Section: Naval Advancementmentioning

confidence: 99%

Conflict, cooperation or competition in the Caspian Sea region: A critical review of the New Great Game paradigm

Bayramov¹

2021

CASU

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“…Undiscovered reserves were believed to hold 200 billion barrels of oil, more than 30 times the amount in the North Slope of Alaska and enough oil to meet US demand for about 30 years (Grau 2001). The US government also strongly pushed for the BTC pipeline as a way to build a 'silk road' to Central Asia where it could limit Russian infl uence, restrict possible allies for Iran and provide a long-term buffer against Chinese hegemony (Rasizade 2003;Saivetz 2003;Berman 2004;Cutler 2004). The EU, whose dependence on energy imports is expected to rise by 70% between 2006 and 2030, similarly saw the BTC pipeline as paving the way for an integrated EU-Black Sea-Caspian Sea common energy market that would also improve its energy security and counteract Russian infl uence (Cutler 2007;Sovacool 2010b).…”

Section: The Corporatist Benefi Ts Of the Btc Pipelinementioning

confidence: 99%

Cursed by crude: the corporatist resource curse and the baku–tbilisi–ceyhan pipeline

Sovacool

2010

Env Pol Gov

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Based primarily on research interviews and fi eld research, this article explores the impacts of the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) pipeline, which traverses Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey. The article fi rst describes its research methods and links two separate strands of political economy literature to develop the notion of a corporatist resource curse. This concept suggests that when private and government actors partner to extract resources such as oil rapidly, the arrangement produces a system that consolidates wealth and ignores the interests of civil society and the public. The BTC pipeline illustrates the corporatist resource curse nicely, as its primary benefi ciaries are a consortium of private companies and government elites, whereas various fi nancial, humanitarian, environmental, social and legal impacts are felt throughout society at large. The article concludes by drawing out the implications of the BTC pipeline and the corporatist resource curse for public policy, energy development, infrastructure projects and corporate social responsibility.

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“…Thus, the energy affairs in the region have been key themes in numerous analyses. Concretely, the export routes to the EU, the Russian preponderance in the region due to its ownership of the export pipelines and its tactics of bilateralism and divide and rule in the process of demarcating the lake, constituted focal analytical points (Lynch, 2001;Saivetz, 2003;Kalyuzhnova, 2005;Mavrakis et al, 2006;Dorian, 2006;Bahgat, 2007). From these research efforts, stand out those by Bahgat and Saivetz due to their focus on Russia's tactics towards guarding its dominant position in the resource-rich Caspian Basin after the demise of the USSR.…”

Section: Russia-eu: the Energy Gamementioning

confidence: 99%

Reinventing power politics in the Eurasian energyland

Σωτηρίου¹

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Η παρούσα διδακτορική διατριβή, “Reinventing Power Politics in the EurasianEnergyland” («Επαναπροσδιορίζοντας τη Πολιτική Ισχύος µε Βάση την Ενέργειαστην Ευρασία»), εξετάζει την επίδραση της Ρωσικής ενεργειακής ισχύος στονεπαναπροσδιορισµό της Ρωσικής πολιτικής στην ευρύτερη γεωπολιτική περιοχή τηςΕυρασίας καθ’ όλη την πρώτη δεκαετία της νέας χιλιετίας (2000-2010). Υπό αυτό τοπρίσµα διερευνώνται οι ενεργειακές της σχέσεις µε την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση (ΕΕ) καιτη Λαϊκή ∆ηµοκρατία της Κίνας (Λ∆Κ). Ωστόσο, κοµµάτι του γεωπολιτικού αυτούχώρου αποτελεί και η περιοχή της πρώην Σοβιετικής Ένωσης, η οποία όχι µόνοµοιράζεται βαθείς ιστορικούς και πολιτικούς δεσµούς µε τη Ρωσία, αλλά αποτελεί καιαναγκαίο «πέρασµα» για τη διακοµιδή ρωσικών ενεργειακών πόρων στην αγορά τηςΕΕ. Συνεπώς, ένα Ευρασιατικό ενεργειακό τρίγωνο προκύπτει θεµελιωµένο πάνω σετρία δίπολα, Ρωσία-πρώην σοβιετικός χώρος, Ρωσία-ΕΕ και Ρωσία-Λ∆Κ. Το κάθεδίπολο αναπαριστά και µια διαφορετική µορφή διµερούς συνεργασίας µε ασύµµετρες,συµµετρικές και απλής συσχέτισης µορφές να συνθέτουν ένα πλήρως διαφοροποιηµένογεωπολιτικό τρίγωνο. Μέσα στο πλαίσιο αυτό εξετάζεται η θεωρητική διαµάχηµεταξύ Νεορεαλισµού και Νεοφιλελεύθερου Θεσµισµού, κλασσική για τις ∆ιεθνείςΣχέσεις, µε σκοπό να απαντηθούν ευκρινώς οι τρείς ερευνητικές υποθέσεις τηςδιατριβής. Τα ευρήµατα ωθούν σε νέες διαπιστώσεις και µεταβολές. Σε ακαδηµαϊκόεπίπεδο, αρχικά, η εξεταζόµενη θεωρητική διαµάχη συγκεκριµενοποιείται καιεµπλουτίζεται µε τη προσθήκη µιας νέας, «ενδιάµεσης» θεωρίας, έτσι ώστε να γίνειπεριεκτικότερη και ικανή να εξηγεί ένα ταχέως µεταβαλλόµενο διεθνές περιβάλλον.Σε επίπεδο πολιτικών προεκτάσεων, εν συνεχεία, η έµφαση, για πρώτη φορά, στηνευρύτερη περιοχή της Ευρασίας επιτρέπει να γίνει η διακρίβωση των κινήτρων τηςΡωσική ενεργειακής συµπεριφοράς εντός ενός δυναµικού πλαισίου, µε τη ταυτόχρονηεξέταση της τόσο απέναντι στην ΕΕ όσο και τη Λ∆Κ. Ως εκ τούτου, διορατικές καιεπαρκώς τεκµηριωµένες πολιτικές προτάσεις και προεκτάσεις προκύπτουν για όλα ταεµπλεκόµενα µέρη στη παραπάνω τριγωνική σχέση.

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Perspectives on the Caspian Sea Dilemma: Russian Policies Since the Soviet Demise

Cited by 13 publications

References 4 publications

Conflict, cooperation or competition in the Caspian Sea region: A critical review of the New Great Game paradigm

Conflict, cooperation or competition in the Caspian Sea region: A critical review of the New Great Game paradigm

Cursed by crude: the corporatist resource curse and the baku–tbilisi–ceyhan pipeline

Reinventing power politics in the Eurasian energyland

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