Personality characteristics associated with activism and disaffiliation in today's college-age youth.

Abstract

This article contrasts with a sample of college students the youthful members of two expressively alienated forms of nonconformity: student activists committed to confrontation tactics to force social change and disaffiliated college dropouts withdrawn from incompatible social conditions. Compared to other students, both nonconventional subcultures appear to have similar group profiles on the Omnibus Personality Inventory which reflect their greater intellectual disposition, nonauthoritarianism, and individual expressiveness. However, the Adjective Check List indicates that although both groups are significantly higher on need for Autonomy and Change and lower on Order, they are differentiated by other need scales. Compared to dropouts, activists, like other students, are higher on Dominance and Achievement and lower on Succorance and, unlike students, higher on Aggression. Furthermore, activists are higher than students on Exhibition and lower than dropouts on Abasement whereas dropouts are higher on Heterosexuality and lower on Endurance than students.

The biographical consequences of protest and activism: a systematic review and a new typology

“…Research shows that personal psychological characteristics, or 'traits', differ between participants that have been involved in activism and those who haven't (Abramowitz & Nassi, 1981;Nassi, 1981;Whittaker & Watts, 1971). For example, Whittaker and Watts (1971) found that student activists, who were active during the mid-1960s, scored higher than nonactivists on cognitive flexibility, autonomy, and impulse expression, all measures of personality.…”

“…Research shows that personal psychological characteristics, or 'traits', differ between participants that have been involved in activism and those who haven't (Abramowitz & Nassi, 1981;Nassi, 1981;Whittaker & Watts, 1971). For example, Whittaker and Watts (1971) found that student activists, who were active during the mid-1960s, scored higher than nonactivists on cognitive flexibility, autonomy, and impulse expression, all measures of personality. Former student activists (i.e., those arrested during a sit-in in 1964) from the Berkeley free speech movement described themselves as more moody, amusing, and likely to show off than government members and a random sample of people who had been students during 1964 (Nassi, 1981).…”

“…A psychological outcome found in the research on activism that might be considered a personality change is increase in self-confidence (Cable, 1992;Cherniss, 1972;Macgillivray, 2005;Profitt, 2001;Shriver et al, 2003;Whittaker & Watts, 1971). Shriver et al (2003) found in their interviews with twenty women activists involved in the Gulf War Illness movement that through their participation they had gained self-confidence in the form of enhanced belief in themselves through taking on and carrying out 'male tasks' such as paying bills and being the sole provider.…”

“…In this case, we can be fairly certain of the well-being as an enduring psychological change as both longitudinal and crosssectional studies offer similar results. However, the case becomes more difficult when we turn to categories such as 'traits' (Abramowitz & Nassi, 1981;Nassi, 1981;Whittaker &Watts, 1971) or relationship ties (Cherniss, 1972;Drury et al, 2003; where the studies all rely on data from cross-sectional studies.…”

“…This becomes very clear when we turn our focus to changes in 'traits', religion, marital status, children, and the majority of results in work-life/career (apart from Shriver et al, 2003). All these types of change are based on studies of 1960s activists at a time when society itself was changing (e.g., Dunham & Bengtson, 1994;Fendrich & Tarleau, 1973;McAdam, 1989;Nassi, 1981;Whittaker & Watts, 1971). The focus on a specific cohort of activists, and a specific period in time highlights the issues with transferability of these categories.…”