Abstract:Despite its seeming breadth and diversity, the bulk of the personal (mental health) recovery literature has remained strangely ‘silent’ about the impact of various socio-structural inequalities on the recovery process. Such an inadequacy of the empirical literature is not without consequences since the systematic omission or downplaying, at best, of the socio-structural conditions of living for persons with lived experience of mental health difficulties may inadvertently reinforce a reductionist view of recove… Show more
“…A tendency to judge people who use drugs, plus the stigma associated with injecting drug use and bloodborne viruses is such that some people may be reluctant to discuss health issues anticipating some form of felt or enacted stigma from others ( 43 ). Furthermore, emphasising personal responsibility for their health, risks disregarding the political, economic and socio-cultural circumstances of people's lives ( 44 ). Maya, age 42, recommended that practitioners working with older women who use drugs should remember, “ We are people with complex issues and often very challenging histories, not necessarily of our own making.”…”
BackgroundHealth-related research on women who use drugs (WWUD) tends to focus on reproductive and sexual health and treatment. Missing from the picture is an exploration of mid-life and older women's bodily experiences of transitioning from long-term substance use into recovery. While there are a growing number of studies that explore the intersection of drug use and ageing, the gaps in analysis lie in the intersections between drug use, recovery, ageing, gender, and the body.MethodsIn-depth qualitative interviews were undertaken with 19 women in the UK who self-identified as “in recovery” from illicit drug use. The interviews were transcribed verbatim and analysed using Braun and Clarke's thematic analysis techniques. The study received ethical approval from the University of Glasgow.ResultsKey findings from the interviews relate to the women's personal sense of power in relation to current and future health status, the challenges they endured in terms of ageing in recovery and transitioning through the reproductive life cycle, and the somatic effects of trauma on women's recovery. The findings demonstrate that health in recovery involves more than abstinence from drugs.DiscussionMoving from the body in active drug use to the body in recovery is not without its challenges for mid-life and older women. New sensations and feelings—physical and mental—must be re-interpreted in light of their ageing and drug-free bodies. This study reveals some of the substantive sex-based differences that older women in active drug use and recovery experience. This has important implications for healthcare and treatment for women in drug services and women with histories of drug use more generally.
“…A tendency to judge people who use drugs, plus the stigma associated with injecting drug use and bloodborne viruses is such that some people may be reluctant to discuss health issues anticipating some form of felt or enacted stigma from others ( 43 ). Furthermore, emphasising personal responsibility for their health, risks disregarding the political, economic and socio-cultural circumstances of people's lives ( 44 ). Maya, age 42, recommended that practitioners working with older women who use drugs should remember, “ We are people with complex issues and often very challenging histories, not necessarily of our own making.”…”
BackgroundHealth-related research on women who use drugs (WWUD) tends to focus on reproductive and sexual health and treatment. Missing from the picture is an exploration of mid-life and older women's bodily experiences of transitioning from long-term substance use into recovery. While there are a growing number of studies that explore the intersection of drug use and ageing, the gaps in analysis lie in the intersections between drug use, recovery, ageing, gender, and the body.MethodsIn-depth qualitative interviews were undertaken with 19 women in the UK who self-identified as “in recovery” from illicit drug use. The interviews were transcribed verbatim and analysed using Braun and Clarke's thematic analysis techniques. The study received ethical approval from the University of Glasgow.ResultsKey findings from the interviews relate to the women's personal sense of power in relation to current and future health status, the challenges they endured in terms of ageing in recovery and transitioning through the reproductive life cycle, and the somatic effects of trauma on women's recovery. The findings demonstrate that health in recovery involves more than abstinence from drugs.DiscussionMoving from the body in active drug use to the body in recovery is not without its challenges for mid-life and older women. New sensations and feelings—physical and mental—must be re-interpreted in light of their ageing and drug-free bodies. This study reveals some of the substantive sex-based differences that older women in active drug use and recovery experience. This has important implications for healthcare and treatment for women in drug services and women with histories of drug use more generally.
“…For example, the genre of lamentation, centered around social (status) loss, was solely represented by people recruited in community centers in deprived neighborhoods. We therefore endorse the plea of Karadzhov ( 73 ) for better documentation and contextualization of socio-demographic characteristics in recovery research, in order to assess the impact of social inequalities on the recovery process. Lastly, qualitative studies such as these are not intended, nor suitable for generalization to the population (statistical generalization).…”
Aim: Enhancement of recovery-oriented care in psychiatry requires insight into the personal meaning and context of recovery. The Psychiatry Story Bank is a narrative project, designed to meet this need, by collecting, sharing and studying the narratives of service-users in psychiatry. Our study was aimed at expanding insight into personal recovery through contextual analysis of these first-person narratives.Methods: We analyzed 25 narratives, as collected through research interviews. To capture the storied context on both a personal, interpersonal and ideological level we combined several forms of qualitative analysis. A total of 15 narrative characteristics were mapped and compared.Results: Through comparative analysis we identified four narratives genres in our sample: Lamentation (narratives about social loss), Reconstruction (narratives about the impact of psychosis), Accusation (narratives about injustice in care), and Travelogue (narratives about identity transformation). Each genre provides insight into context-bound difficulties and openings for recovery and recovery-support.Conclusion: A contextual approach to studying personal recovery offers insights that can help attune recovery support in psychiatry. Important clues for recovery support can be found in people's narrated core struggle and the associated desire to be recognized in a particular way. Our results also indicate that familiarity with different ways of understanding mental distress, can help people to express and reframe their struggles and desires in a helpful way, thereby facilitating recognition.
“…Recently the most common understandings and definitions of recovery (Anthony, 1993 ; Leamy et al, 2011 ) have been criticized for their individualistic and normative aspects (Harper and Speed, 2014 ; Karadzhov, 2021 ; https://recoveryinthebin.org ), as they do not mention the importance of social living conditions such as financial resources, housing and general living conditions (Harper et al, 2015 ). The critics have highlighted the social character of mental health problems and recovery, but also of the mental health field itself (Topor et al, 2011 ; Tew et al, 2012 ; Rose, 2018 ; Rose and Kalathil, 2019 ; Karadzhov, 2021 ). Materialities (Larsen et al, 2021 ), places (Duff, 2012 ; Doroud et al, 2018 ), and social relations (Topor et al, 2016a ; Price-Robertson et al, 2017 ) have also been stressed as missing in recovery research.…”
Section: The Social Character Of Mental Healthmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This individualization and “responsabilization” came to affect our understanding of recovery and what kind of support people needed (Rose, 2014 ). However, few recovery studies problematized these changes; instead, most integrated an individualized and de-contextualized perspective (Duff, 2012 ; Karadzhov, 2021 ). The newly discovered capacities of persons with a diagnosis of severe mental problems were turned against them and used as an argument to reduce the supporting interventions directed to them in order not to create what were defined as negative dependencies instead of interconnectivity, solidarity and brother/sisterhood and the user as a consumer in a free market (Mills, 2014 ; Rose, 2014 ; Woods et al, 2019 ).…”
Section: From the Social Person To The Isolated Individual—the Psychi...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…But the psychiatrization of recovery to an individual and mostly cognitive process may have contributed to the acceptance of Anthony's vision by international, national, and local agencies as it does not question the pillars of the dominant bio-medical model in “The decade of the brain “(1990–1999) and then “The century of the brain” (Mills, 2015 ; Karadzhov, 2021 ). If social and societal factors can cause and cure an “illness,” as the results from follow-up studies from the end of the twentieth century showed, then this illness might not be an illness, but a form of distress transformed/constructed as an illness.…”
Section: From the Social Person To The Isolated Individual—the Psychi...mentioning
From being a concept questioning the core of psychiatric knowledge and practice, recovery has been adopted as a guiding vison for mental health policy and practice by different local, national, and international organizations. The aim of this article is to contextualize the different understandings of recovery and its psychiatrization through the emergence of an individualizing and de-contextualized definition which have gained a dominant position. It ends with an attempt to formulate a new definition of recovery which integrates people in their social context. Research results from various follow-up studies showing the possibility of recovery from severe mental distress have stressed the importance of societal, social and relational factors as well of the person's own agency when facing their distress and reactions from their environment. These researches were published in the 1970s and 80s; a period of struggle for liberation from colonialism, of struggle by women and black people for their civil rights, and a time of de-institutionalization of services directed toward the poor, elderly, handicapped, prisoners, and people with mental health problems. Recovery research pointed at the central role of individuals in their recovery journey and it was understood as a personal process in a social context. However, with neo-liberal political agenda, the personal role of individuals and their own responsibility for their well-being was stressed, and contextual understandings and the role of social, material and cultural changes to promote recovery faded away. Thus, during recent decades recovery has been mostly defined as an individualistic journey of changing the persons and their perception of their situation, but not of changing this situation. Contextual aspects are almost absent. The most quoted definition accepts the limits posed by an illness-based model. This kind of definition might be a reason for the wide acceptance of a phenomenon that was initially experienced as a break with the bio-medical paradigm. Recently, this dominant individualized understanding of recovery has been criticized by service users, clinicians and researchers, making possible a redefinition of recovery as a social process in material and cultural contexts.
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