Abstract:Although some research has examined men and women's general attitudes toward women growing body hair, little research has engaged in a side-by-side examination of women's imagined experiences of growing body hair with an experiential component of growing their own body hair. In the first of two studies, I asked a diverse community sample of women aged 18 to 59 to assess their impressions of women who grew body hair and to imagine their own, and others', reactions to their hypothetical body hair growth. For the… Show more
“…Previous research in the US, Canada, the UK, New Zealand and Australia has documented the prevalence of and motivations for pubic hair removal practices, meanings associated with the practice, evaluations of women who do and do not engage in the practice, and the physical, psychological and social consequences associated with the practice (e.g., Basow, 1991;Braun et al, 2013;Fahs, 2014aFahs, , 2014bRiddell, Varto, & Hodgson, 2010;Smolak & Murnen, 2011;Tiggemann & Hodgson, 2008;Toerien & Wilkinson, 2003. This scholarship points to popular culture, particularly pornography, in the production of cultural norms that value hairless, and therefore prepubescent in appearance, female genitalia (Schick, Rima, & Calabrese, 2011).…”
Women’s genitalia are constructed as a bodily site requiring ongoing surveillance, maintenance and modification to conform to social norms. Women engage in a range of genital health, hygiene and beauty practices, including the use of commercial and homemade vaginal douches, washes, wipes, sprays and pubic hair removal, to modify their bodies. Using a social constructionist framework, we draw on interviews with 49 Canadian women to examine the construction of idealized (Western) genitalia as hairless, odourless and free of discharge, and “natural” female genitalia as problematic through the mobilization of normative femininity and (hetero)sexuality discourses. Theorizing women’s genital health, hygiene and beauty practices as a form of body work, we examine how women’s genital body work is constructed as a necessary and thus normative practice of femininity undertaken in the pursuit of idealized genitalia. A minority perspective that drew on alternative discourses to construct female genitalia as acceptable irrespective of genital body work is examined. Throughout our analysis, we examine the ways in which women negotiate issues of agency and choice in relation to their genital body work. Implications for women’s health in the context of the vaginal microbiome are explored.
“…Previous research in the US, Canada, the UK, New Zealand and Australia has documented the prevalence of and motivations for pubic hair removal practices, meanings associated with the practice, evaluations of women who do and do not engage in the practice, and the physical, psychological and social consequences associated with the practice (e.g., Basow, 1991;Braun et al, 2013;Fahs, 2014aFahs, , 2014bRiddell, Varto, & Hodgson, 2010;Smolak & Murnen, 2011;Tiggemann & Hodgson, 2008;Toerien & Wilkinson, 2003. This scholarship points to popular culture, particularly pornography, in the production of cultural norms that value hairless, and therefore prepubescent in appearance, female genitalia (Schick, Rima, & Calabrese, 2011).…”
Women’s genitalia are constructed as a bodily site requiring ongoing surveillance, maintenance and modification to conform to social norms. Women engage in a range of genital health, hygiene and beauty practices, including the use of commercial and homemade vaginal douches, washes, wipes, sprays and pubic hair removal, to modify their bodies. Using a social constructionist framework, we draw on interviews with 49 Canadian women to examine the construction of idealized (Western) genitalia as hairless, odourless and free of discharge, and “natural” female genitalia as problematic through the mobilization of normative femininity and (hetero)sexuality discourses. Theorizing women’s genital health, hygiene and beauty practices as a form of body work, we examine how women’s genital body work is constructed as a necessary and thus normative practice of femininity undertaken in the pursuit of idealized genitalia. A minority perspective that drew on alternative discourses to construct female genitalia as acceptable irrespective of genital body work is examined. Throughout our analysis, we examine the ways in which women negotiate issues of agency and choice in relation to their genital body work. Implications for women’s health in the context of the vaginal microbiome are explored.
“…They referred to their hair as “unsightly, distasteful, upsetting, embarrassing, and dirty” (10, page 353). Qualitative studies by Fahs [10, 11] indicate that, while the women in their studies stated that body hair removal was their ‘choice’, they expressed disgust towards women who did not remove body hair labelling them as ‘unclean’, ‘dirty’, ‘gross’, and even ‘unnatural’. In Fah’s second study [10], participants were required to not remove body hair for 10 weeks.…”
BackgroundResearch indicates that young women are being exposed to increasing pressures to remove pubic hair from their bodies, which has the potential for both negative physical and psychological consequences. Women’s personal choice and reasoning for partaking in pubic hair removal is influenced by broader social influences; however, there is little theory-based research drawing from established decision-making models investigating the underlying processes that lead young women to engage in pubic hair removal practices. Based on the Theory of Planned Behaviour, it was hypothesised that 1) attitude, subjective norm, and perceived behavioural control would predict intention to remove pubic hair; 2) additional variables (prototype similarity and favourability) from the Prototype Willingness Model would significantly predict intention to remove pubic hair; 3) feminist values would significantly predict decreased intention to remove pubic hair; and 4) intention and perceived behavioural control would predict future self-reported removal of pubic hair.MethodThe current study included a sample of 270 young women (17–25 years old), who completed an online survey and a follow up survey 4 weeks later (N = 96).ResultsAttitudes, perceived behavioural control, and similarity to prototypical pubic hair removers were significant predictors of intention to remove pubic hair. Intention was significantly positively associated and feminist values were significantly negatively associated with actual pubic hair removal.ConclusionsThese findings align with Theory of Planned Behaviour propositions. Furthermore, the expansion of the model highlights how broader social images impact on young women when deciding whether to engage in a behaviour that is intimately associated with their body image.
“…The various anxieties that people have about their body hair, particularly leg, underarm, and pubic hair, highlight how hair operates at the interface between self and culture and symbolizes much about cultural beliefs and practices surrounding race, class, and gender. Similarly, body hair has at times been used as a site of rebellion and resistance (Fahs, 2012(Fahs, , 2014c. Body hair norms have been pervasive and consistent across Western cultures, with studies consistently showing that women feel compelled to completely remove their leg and underarm hair (Fahs, 2012(Fahs, , 2014cToerien, Wilkinson, & Choi, 2005) and to be mostly hairless in their pubic region; men, however, have far more flexibility around body hair and pubic hair choices than do women (Terry & Braun, 2013).…”
Section: Body Hairmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Similarly, body hair has at times been used as a site of rebellion and resistance (Fahs, 2012(Fahs, , 2014c. Body hair norms have been pervasive and consistent across Western cultures, with studies consistently showing that women feel compelled to completely remove their leg and underarm hair (Fahs, 2012(Fahs, , 2014cToerien, Wilkinson, & Choi, 2005) and to be mostly hairless in their pubic region; men, however, have far more flexibility around body hair and pubic hair choices than do women (Terry & Braun, 2013). Although there are some cultural exceptions to this (e.g., Eastern Europe), pressures for women to remove body hair have pervaded other parts of the world as well.…”
Section: Body Hairmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Although there are some cultural exceptions to this (e.g., Eastern Europe), pressures for women to remove body hair have pervaded other parts of the world as well. In the United Kingdom, a full 99% of women have reported that they removed body hair at some point (Toerien et al, 2005), and women who did not remove body hair reported facing appraisals of themselves as disgusting, manly, unattractive, unfeminine, and gross (Fahs, 2012(Fahs, , 2014cFahs & Delgado, 2011). Although most men have "manscaped" or trimmed their pubic hair at some point (Boroughs, Cafri, & Thompson, 2005), men have reported feeling entitled to choose the degree to which they would remove hair, whereas women have not felt entitled to similar levels of choice about their body hair (Braun, Tricklebank, & Clarke, 2013).…”
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