Patterns of mortality in second generation Irish living in England and Wales: longitudinal study

Abstract

Objective-To examine the mortality of second generation Irish living in England and Wales.Design-Longitudinal study of 1% of the population of England and Wales (longitudinal study by the Office of Population Censuses and Surveys (now the Office for National Statistics)) followed up from 1971 to 1989.Subjects-3075 men and 3233 women aged 15 and over in 1971.Main outcome measures-Age and sex specific standardised mortality ratios for all causes, cancers, coronary heart disease, cerebrovascular diseases, respiratory diseases, and injuries and poisonings. Deaths were also analysed by socioeconomic indicators.Results-786 deaths were traced to men and 762 to women. At working ages (men, aged 15-64; women, 15-59) the mortality ofmen (standardised mortality ratio 126) and women (129) was significantly higher than that of all men and all women. At ages 15-44, relative disadvantages were even greater both for men (145) and for women (164). Mortality was raised for most major causes of death. Significant excess mortality from cancers was seen for men ofworking age (132) and for women aged 60 and over (122). At working ages mortality of the second generation Irish in every social class and in the categories of car access and housing tenure was higher than that of all men and all women in the corresponding categories. Adjusting for these socioeconomic indicators did not explain the excess mortality.Conclusion-Mortality of second generation Irish men and women was higher than that of all men and all women and for most major causes of death. While socioeconomic factors remain important, cultural and lifestyle factors are likely to contribute to this adverse mortality. IntroductionThe Irish born population in England and Wales, estimated at 2% of the population (just over 750 000), is the largest migrant group.' The health needs of these

Socio-demographic predictors of self-rated health in the Republic of Ireland: findings from the National Survey on Lifestyle, Attitudes and Nutrition, SLAN

“…Ireland also has a huge migrant related diaspora, the health status of which, has, paradoxically, been better studied in some instances than those who remained at home. (Burvil, McCall, Woodings, & Stenhouse, 1983;Wild & McKeigue, 1997;Harrison, Carrhill, & Sutton, 1993;Kushi, Lew, Stare, & Ellison, 1985;Abbotts, Williams, Ford, Hunt, & West, 1999;Harding & Balarajan, 1996, 2001). …”

Identities in diaspora: social, national and political identities of the Irish and Northern Irish in England

“…If the research relating to members of the Irish and Northern Irish in England (Hickman, 2000;Hickman & Walter, 1997;Harding & Balarajan, 1996a;Ryan, 1990;Greenslade, 1994) is correct and members of this diasporic group in England have found it difficult to develop a positive sense of identity because of either insufficient support from the Catholic Church (Hickman, 2000), Ireland's history of colonisation (Ryan, 1990;Greenslade, 1994), anti-Irish racism (Hickman & Walter, 1997) , or the 'Troubles' in Northern Ireland (Harding & Balarajan, 1996a) then it is possible that this diasporic community in England have felt their sense of Irishness threatened and have therefore reacted in the way that SIT would suggest, and have increased their willingness to contribute to the group cause, in this case the promotion of a positive identity, and increase their self-esteem as a result of this (Stern, 1995).…”

The fragility of “white Irish” as a minority ethnic identity in England

“…In particular, a distinction was recommended between the white Irish and white British groups (Aspinall 2000). This was to acknowledge the poorer health of the Irish group, which has been shown to persist into the second generation (Harding and Balarajan 1996); an indicator of disadvantage that is usually associated with the experience of minority ethnic groups (Modood et al 1997). …”