Patterns and timing of glottalisation

Howe, Darin; Pulleyblank, Douglas

doi:10.1017/s0952675701004018

Cited by 32 publications

(23 citation statements)

References 41 publications

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“…By contrast, epenthetic [i] appears to be moraic; as we saw in (33), it is "invariably stressed" (p. 295). It would seem that [i] cannot be used for all epenthesis in Mohawk because [+high] must be licensed by a mora; see Howe and Pulleyblank (2001) for another case in which marked features (or feature combinations) must be moraically licensed. seen that Yoruba and Modern Arabic dialects have deletion as well as insertion processes involving [i, u].…”

Section: Synthesis: Harmony-as-faithfulness and The Phonology Of Vowelsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The postvocalic condition on target sonorants is a general one: glottalised sonorants occur only after vowels in Yowlumne; we refer the reader to Howe and Pulleyblank (2001) for a "grounded" explanation of this fact. 19 By contrast, the condition that the target be adjacent to the glottalising suffix is not necessary.…”

Section: Sonorant Glottalisationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Blake (1995) reports a similar pattern of glottalisation in Sliammon (and in many other Salishan languages), another language with both glottalised obstruents and glottalised sonorants. Howe and Pulleyblank (2001) defend a postvocalic condition for glottalised sonorants (If [+son, +cg. ], then V ), a constraint that is grounded in the universal tendency for sonorants to be preglottalised such that a preceding vowel favours the context cues for glottalisation in these segments (cf.…”

Section: Sonorant Glottalisationmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Harmonic Scales as Faithfulness

Howe

Pulleyblank

2004

Can. J. Linguist.

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Optimality Theory predicts that harmonic scales can be encoded in grammar in one of two ways: either as markedeness hierarchies or else as faithfulness hierarchies. Although most current researchers assume that harmony is encoded as markedness, many investigators have argued that some harmonic relations are better captured as faithfulness hierarchies that prevent the deletion or insertion of less harmonic elements. We demonstrate that at least two perceptually-motivated harmonic scales — notably relative vowel height as well as consonant glottalisation — need to be encoded in the grammar as faithfulness hierarchies which require that more harmonic elements, which are also more perceptible, are more faithfully adhered to. Ourharmony-as-faithfulnessanalysis captures the fact that the same elements which undergo deletion also undergo insertion.

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Section: Synthesis: Harmony-as-faithfulness and The Phonology Of Vowelsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Sonorant Glottalisationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Sonorant Glottalisationmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Harmonic Scales as Faithfulness

Howe

Pulleyblank

2004

Can. J. Linguist.

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“…However, the current results suggest that the requirement to align tones to the left edge of syllables can take precedence over the requirement to align tones to positions in which their acoustic consequences would be most audible (i.e. articulatory binding is violable) (see also [9], [10]).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 68%

The phonetic realization of tonal contrast in Dränjongke

Lee¹,

Hwang²,

Monou³

et al. 2018

6th International Symposium on Tonal Aspects of Languages (TAL 2018)

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Dränjongke is a Tibeto-Burman language spoken in Sikkim, India. The language has been described as having a two-way tonal contrast [1], but how the tonal contrast is realized phonetically has not been explored in detail. To fill this gap, we report an acoustic analysis of Dränjongke based on the speech of 12 native speakers, focusing on how the tonal contrast in Dränjongke manifests itself in syllabary readings. The results suggest that (i) in syllables consisting of only vowels (e.g. [a]), the tonal differences manifest themselves at the left edge of syllables, and more surprisingly, (ii) in syllables with sonorant onsets (e.g. [na]), the tonal differences primarily appear during the sonorant intervals, and can be neutralized during the vocalic intervals. This paper discusses some theoretical implications of the observed patterns. First, we propose that phonologically, tones can be directly associated with consonants, a proposal independently motivated by an analysis of phonological consonant-tone interaction patterns in various languages [2]. Second, we address the general issue of how supralaryngeal gestures and laryngeal gestures are coordinated, the issue known under the rubric of "articulatory binding" [3]. We argue that articulatory binding-a principle that requires laryngeal gestures to be coordinated with supralaryngeal gestures to maximize their perceptual salience-is violable.

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“…I take the different restrictions on adducted consonants across the Southern Wakashan languages to support Howe and Pulleyblank's (2001) finding concerning the distribution of glottalized segments: that some phonological constraints are grounded in phonetic ease of perception, but contrary to a strong interpretation of Steriade's Licensing by Cue (1999a, 1999b, this grounding is often generalized to arbitrary phonological constraints. I conclude that V C and V -A D J represent purely formal requirements, in the sense that they are only indirectly grounded in phonetic considerations.…”

Section: Phonetic and Formal Constraint Groundingmentioning

confidence: 92%

Ditidaht Vowel Alternations and Prosody

Werle

2007

Can. J. Linguist.

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Among the Southern Wakashan languages, Ditidaht has patterns of short vowel epenthesis and deletion that are unusually complex. It is shown that the surface presence or absence of short vowels is determined not by their underlying presence or absence, but by how segments are parsed by prosodic constituents. An optimality theoretic analysis is developed, according to which vowel alternations result from the low ranking of faithfulness constraints (Max/V and Dep/V) relative to constraints on the forms of syllables, feet, and prosodic words. Vowel presence creates ideal iambic feet, makes prosodic words minimally disyllabic, and ensures that adducted consonants (those that involve adducting the vocal folds for glottalization or voicing) are vowel-adjacent. Vowel absence ensures that prosodic words end in consonants, and eliminates unfooted syllables. An additional finding is that all adducted consonants must be postvocalic.

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Patterns and timing of glottalisation

Cited by 32 publications

References 41 publications

Harmonic Scales as Faithfulness

Harmonic Scales as Faithfulness

The phonetic realization of tonal contrast in Dränjongke

Ditidaht Vowel Alternations and Prosody

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