Passives and<i>se</i>Constructions

Mendikoetxea, Amaya

doi:10.1002/9781118228098.ch23

Cited by 15 publications

(11 citation statements)

References 40 publications

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“…Further, as noted by an anonymous JL referee, the low degree of variation in our results might also be due to the limited number of analyzed verbs. Basically the same holds for the results on the Spanish anticausative (see Mendikoetxea 1999, 2012; Kailuweit 2012).…”

supporting

confidence: 66%

“…20Similarly, Mendikoetxea (1999: 1602; 2012) argues that Spanish alternating verbs which encode the anticausative with the unmarked variant are internally caused (see also Rodríguez Ramalle 2005: 245). Schäfer (2008: 161–162) presents a scale in which spontaneity is related to the encoding variants of the anticausative alternant in German, Greek and Italian.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Causalness and the encoding of the causative–anticausative alternation in French and Spanish

Heidinger

2015

J. Ling.

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In French and Spanish, both parts of the causative–anticausative alternation can be formally encoded in two ways: Depending on the form of the verb, marked and unmarked causatives and marked and unmarked anticausatives can be distinguished. The goal of this paper is to verify whether causalness is a factor in the encoding and whether the two languages differ in this respect (verbs used more often as causatives than as anticausatives have a high degree of causalness, while verbs used more often as anticausatives than as causatives have a low degree of causalness). On the basis of a corpus study of 20 French and 20 Spanish verbs, it will be shown that in both languages a strong correlation between causalness and encoding exists. A high degree of causalness increases the likelihood that a verb’s anticausative is marked and the causative is unmarked, and a low degree of causalness increases the likelihood that a verb’s anticausative is unmarked and the causative is marked.

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supporting

confidence: 66%

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Causalness and the encoding of the causative–anticausative alternation in French and Spanish

Heidinger

2015

J. Ling.

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“…This section is mainly for background purposes and is not intended to be an exhaustive list of properties of each construction; it serves as a way to differentiate them, because on the surface, they can appear in many instances to be formally identical. (See Mendikoetxea , and Sánchez López for more properties. )…”

Section: Background Diagnosticsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Other elements can give rise to one or the other interpretation. See, for instance, Suñer and Mendikoetxea . What is important for the present discussion is the interpretation itself, not what elements give rise to it.…”

mentioning

confidence: 93%

An Implicit Projected Argument in Spanish Impersonal‐ and Passive‐SeConstructions

MacDonald

2017

Syntax

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This article argues for the presence of an implicit projected argument in Spec,Voice in Spanish impersonal‐ and passive‐se constructions. The main empirical support comes from an available inalienable‐possession interpretation of the sole overt DP when it is a body part in both constructions. This interpretation is only possible in the presence of a syntactically present c‐commanding possessor. I argue that the implicit projected external argument serves as the inalienable possessor of the body part. Neither the periphrastic passive nor the anticausative‐se construction in Spanish allows an inalienable‐possession interpretation of the sole overt DP when it is a body part. In these instances, I claim, no implicit argument projects in Spec,Voice. I discuss how the presence of a projected argument in Spec,Voice is responsible for by‐phrase restrictions in impersonal‐ and passive‐se constructions and person restrictions in passive‐se constructions; the lack of a projected implicit argument in Spec,Voice of both the periphrastic passive and the anticausative‐se construction is responsible for the lack of the person restrictions in both, and the lack of by‐phrase restrictions in the periphrastic passive.

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“…There is a huge body of work about anticausative structures, the relations between the causative and the anticausative version and the correct notion of 'causation' that should be involved in such cases (see, just to name a few, Jespersen 1927, Nedjalkov 1969, Fillmore 1970, Smith 1970, Chierchia 1989, Labelle 1992, Haspelmath 1993, Levin 1993, Levin & Rappaport-Hovav 1995, Reinhart 2000, Doron 2003, Alexiadou & Anagnostopoulou 2004, Dobrovie-Sorin 2006, Schäfer 2008, Koontz-Garboden 2009, Labelle & Doron 2010, Rappaport-Hovav & Levin 2010, Lundquist 2011, Mendikoetxea 2012, Vivanco 2015, to name just a few examples).…”

Section: Inchoative the Table Se Movedmentioning

confidence: 99%

SE in Spanish

Fábregas

2021

Borealis

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This article provides an overview of Spanish SE, covering the main empirical facts, analyses and theoretical issues that it raises, and exploring the prospects to unify all uses –which are over a dozen in the literature– under one same object that keeps its surface properties invariable. We will show that it is almost inescapable to propose that SE is associated to two types of objects, defective arguments and defective verbal heads; both objects share the property of not introducing referentially independent DPs, which can be argued to be the result of the grammaticalisation of a reflexive element in contemporary Spanish. The chapter proposes that a treatment of SE as a projection introduced high in the clausal structure and acting as an agreement locus can be a fruitful way to unify all uses of SE.

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Passives andseConstructions

Cited by 15 publications

References 40 publications

Causalness and the encoding of the causative–anticausative alternation in French and Spanish

Causalness and the encoding of the causative–anticausative alternation in French and Spanish

An Implicit Projected Argument in Spanish Impersonal‐ and Passive‐SeConstructions

SE in Spanish

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