This paper draws on empirical research conducted as part of a European Research Council funded study to explore how individuals understand and live processes of social differentiation. Specifically, it draws on a case study life story narrative to examine how social identifications unfold across biographical time, examining the spatio-temporal complexity of experiences of differentiation, and the marginalization of self and/or others.In doing so, it contributes to the geographies of encounter literature by exploring the implications of insights from an individualÕs narrative of lived experiences of difference for group politics and the management of prejudical social relations.Key words: social difference, encounter, life story, moral disposition, transversal politics ! !
Lived difference: a narrative account of spatio-temporal processes of social differentiation
Reflections on geographies of encounterWe are witnessing unprecedented levels of mobility within and beyond the European Union and population change. In this context, Stuart Hall (1993) has argued that how we develop 2 the capacity to live with social difference is the key question of the 21 st century. It is an issue that is particularly pertinent given rising levels of insecurity generated by post 9/11 terrorism and the current global financial crisis because in times of trouble attitudes towards minorities tend to harden. Given the implicit role of shared space in providing the opportunity for positive encounters between strangers, geography, urban studies and planning have paid increasing attention to this question, notwithstanding the longstanding interest of social psychologists in ÔcontactÕ theory (Allport 1954, Hewstone and Brown 1986) Here, some authors have observed the potential for ÔdifferenceÕ to be dissolved through a process of mixing and hybridisation of culture as a result of everyday encounters and interactions in public spaces (such as in cafes, on buses, at community events and sports clubs) where there is an accommodation of otherness because the proximity of strangers necessitates a pragmatic engagement across categorical boundaries (Amin 2002, Laurier & Philo 2006, Noble 2009, Wise 2009, Wilson 2011. Drawing on examples from a range of studies of hospitality spaces Bell (2007: 19) argues that food and eating create a feeling of being involved with others, providing consumers with a license to talk to each other which can facilitate positive encounters such that commensality Ôcan Ébe about social identification, the sharing of not only food and drink but also world views and patterns of livingÕ. Likewise, in a study of cafes Laurier & Philo (2006a, 2006b) argue that people have a different sense of social responsibility in a space like a coffee shop compared to the street. They employed a camcorder and participant observation to capture and study mundane interactions in these 3 public spaces, using microspatial analysis of gestures to explore how Ôthe work of conviviality In doing so, this work makes unacknowledged tem...