Why Not Parties? 2008
DOI: 10.7208/chicago/9780226534947.003.0003
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Party and Constituency in the U.S. Senate, 1933–2004

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Cited by 7 publications
(5 citation statements)
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“…We collect the result of each roll call vote for the twenty-year period in each chamber of the Congress, and record the individual votes for every Congressman voting on the bill (or abstaining). We choose to start with the raw bill data, rather than use alternate, publicly available versions of the Congressional roll call data (see, for example, the Voteview website, as well as McCarty, Poole, and Rosenthal 1997;McCarty, Poole, and Rosenthal 2006;Poole and Rosenthal 1985, 1997, 2007; among many others), or the Political Institutions and Public Choice (PIPC) House Roll Call Database (Aldrich et al 2008), because we exploit the text of each piece of legislation as described below.…”
Section: Datamentioning
confidence: 99%
“…We collect the result of each roll call vote for the twenty-year period in each chamber of the Congress, and record the individual votes for every Congressman voting on the bill (or abstaining). We choose to start with the raw bill data, rather than use alternate, publicly available versions of the Congressional roll call data (see, for example, the Voteview website, as well as McCarty, Poole, and Rosenthal 1997;McCarty, Poole, and Rosenthal 2006;Poole and Rosenthal 1985, 1997, 2007; among many others), or the Political Institutions and Public Choice (PIPC) House Roll Call Database (Aldrich et al 2008), because we exploit the text of each piece of legislation as described below.…”
Section: Datamentioning
confidence: 99%
“…However, evidence that roll-call voting records (and other legislative behavior) are affected by the religious composition of a legislator’s constituency is mixed at best (Guth 2014; McTague and Pearson-Merkowitz 2013; Oldmixon 2005; Rosensone, Oldmixon, and Wald 2009; Wald 1987). The same might be said, however, for attempts at correlating other state or district-level demographic attributes with legislators’ roll-call voting records more generally (Aldrich et al 2009). Nevertheless, a handful of studies have found that the denominational character of members’ districts correlates with representatives’ voting behavior (Green and Guth 1991; Guth and Kellstedt 2005; Oldmixon and Calfano 2007; Smith, Olson, and Fine 2010; see also Martin 2009), committee assignments (Lewis 2014), and the issues that they address in floor speeches (Blackstone and Oldmixon 2015).…”
Section: Religion District Diversity and Voting In The Senatementioning
confidence: 99%
“… 4. Although we explored the use of second dimension DW-NOMINATE (DW-N) scores (see Aldrich et al 2009), our predictions were poor, and no clear story emerged from that particular piece of analysis. For the sake of parsimony, we omitted these results from the discussion of our main findings. …”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…We collect the result of each roll call vote for the 20-year period in each chamber of the Congress, and we record the individual votes for every member voting on the bill (or abstaining). We choose to start with the raw bill data, instead of using alternate, publicly available versions of the congressional roll call data (see, for example, the Voteview.com, as well as McCarty, Rosenthal, 1997, 2006;Poole and Rosenthal, 1985, 1997, 2007, among many others), or the Political Institutions and Public Choice (PIPC) House Roll Call Database (Aldrich, Brady, de Marchi, McDonald, Nyhan, Rohde, and Tofias, 2009), which classifies bills by issue type (but is harder to map to specific firms or industries), because our approach exploits the specific text of each piece of legislation and allows us to map bills to affected industries.…”
Section: Data and Summary Statisticsmentioning
confidence: 99%