Partisan Representation, Realignment, and the Senate in the 1980s

Hurley, Patricia A.

doi:10.2307/2131718

Cited by 11 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 34 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…These include current partisans switching to the party better representing their views on the new issues (Erikson and Tedin 1981; Sundquist 1983), the mobilization of new partisans based on the new issues (Andersen 1976, 1979; Clubb, Flanigan, and Zingale 1980), or the replacement in the electorate of older voters by younger voters who are more likely to base their party loyalties on the new issues (Beck 1979; Carmines and Stimson 1989). Although some studies do recognize the possibility of existing partisans changing their policy attitudes during the partisan change process (Carmines and Stimson 1989; Clubb, Flanigan, and Zingale 1980; Hurley 1989, 1991; Sundquist 1983), the major accounts of the aggregate partisan change process do not devote much attention to the possibility of party‐based issue conversion.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Changing Sides or Changing Minds? Party Identification and Policy Preferences in the American Electorate

Carsey¹,

Layman

2006

American J Political Sci

406

298

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Scholars have long debated the individual-level relationship between partisanship and policy preferences. We argue that partisanship and issue attitudes cause changes in each other, but the pattern of influence varies systematically. Issue-based change in party identification should occur among individuals who are aware of party differences on an issue and find that issue to be salient. Individuals who are aware of party differences, but do not attach importance to the issue, should evidence party-based issue change. Those lacking awareness of party differences on an issue should show neither effect. We test our account by examining individuals' party identifications and their attitudes on abortion, government spending and provision of services, and government help for African Americans using the 1992-94-96 National Election Study panel study, finding strong support for our argument. We discuss the implications of our findings both for the microlevel study of party identification and the macrolevel analysis of partisan change.

show abstract

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Changing Sides or Changing Minds? Party Identification and Policy Preferences in the American Electorate

Carsey¹,

Layman

2006

American J Political Sci

406

298

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Eulau and Karps (1977), for example, identified several components of representation: service responsiveness, allocation responsiveness, policy responsiveness, and symbolic responsiveness. Empirically based assessments of "representation" also encompass analyses of electoral systems (Cox, 1997;Powell, 2000), the translation of votes into seats in legislatures (Erikson, 1988;Powell, 2000), the congruence between legislators and constituents (Miller & Stokes, 1963;Achen, 1978;Erikson, 1978;Weissberg, 1978Weissberg, , 1979Kuklinski, 1979;Stone, 1979;Hurley, 1989Hurley, , 1991Hill & Hurley, 1999;Arnold, 2003), minority representation (Canon, 1999;Tate, 2003), districting and redistricting (Canon, 1999;Cox & Katz, 2002), and the roles of representatives (Eulau et al ., 1959;Fenno, 1978;Norton & Wood, 1993;Rosenthal, 1998;Judge, 1999;Lee & Oppenheimer, 1999), just to name a few (see also , Jewell, 1985;Thomassen, 1994;Kuklinski & Segura, 1995, for extensive literature reviews). At a broader level, the representation congruence studies are conceptually related to the studies of aggregated opinion and governmental decisions or policies (see Page & Shapiro, 1992;Erikson et al ., 2002;Wlezien, 2004;Soroka & Wlezien, 2005) which have generally found a close relation between aggregate opinion and governmental policies.…”

Section: Modelling Political Representationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Assessing Preferences for Political Representation in the US

Carman

2007

Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

A BSTRACT While much of the extant research on political representation focuses on congruence issues and elite perceptions of their representational roles, little has been done to examine how members of the general public think about representational relationship. Often, constituents are assumed to be passive actors in the representational process. This paper advances the argument that individuals have preferences over how tightly bound elected representatives should be to constituent policy preferences and that these preferences are contextual, varying by the degree to which constituents perceive that their representative shares characteristics similar to those of the individual. Two data sources are used to verify this argument: (1) the 1978 ANES and (2) data collected for Congress ' Obey Commission, 1976-1977. These data provide evidence that public representational preferences have a systematic component. Most significantly, the study finds that members of minority groups have contextually derived preferences for political representation.

show abstract

“…The analysis below provides an answer. Although some of the pro-Republican shift was left intact by the second Reagan midterm (1986) and the Bush midterm (1990), they raise doubts about realignment claims (Hurley 1991). Whatever the economic and political fallout in those elections, the pronounced fluctuation in macropartisanship between on-year and off-year elections is a novelty.…”

Section: Change Of Macropartisanshipmentioning

confidence: 99%

Realignment and Macropartisanship

2001

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Aggregate party identification (macropartisanship) has exhibited substantial movement in the U.S. electorate over the last half century. We contend that a major key to that movement is a rare, massive, and enduring shift of the electoral equilibrium commonly known as a partisan realignment. The research, which is based on time-series data that employ the classic measurement of party identification, shows that the 1980 election triggered a systematic growth of Republican identification that cut deeply into the overwhelming Democratic lead dating back to the New Deal realignment. Although short-term fluctuations in macropartisanship are responsive to the elements of everyday politics, neither presidential approval nor consumer sentiment is found responsible for the 1980 shift.

show abstract

Partisan Representation, Realignment, and the Senate in the 1980s

Cited by 11 publications

References 34 publications

Changing Sides or Changing Minds? Party Identification and Policy Preferences in the American Electorate

Changing Sides or Changing Minds? Party Identification and Policy Preferences in the American Electorate

Assessing Preferences for Political Representation in the US

Realignment and Macropartisanship

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About