Participles and voice

Anagnostopoulou, Elena

doi:10.1515/9783110902358.1

Cited by 136 publications

(91 citation statements)

References 11 publications

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“…REFLEXIVE INTERPRETATION Alexiadou & Anagnostopoulou (2008), building on Anagnostopoulou (2003), argue that this semantic difference between the two types of adjectival (or stativized; cf. fn.…”

Section: Disjoint Interpretationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…4 In Section 3 we provide further evidence for the presence of Voice from the availability of event-related modifiers with adjectival participles, such as by-phrases; we also discuss that there are some restrictions on these in English and German, but not in Greek. In Section 4, we propose a structural account according to which adjectival participles can be of different size and involve the adjectivization of a root, a verbalized root (involving an additional vP layer; as proposed by Anagnostopoulou 2003, Embick 2004, as well as a the adjectivization of a VoiceP (located above vP; as proposed by McIntyre 2013, Bruening to appear) (in analogy to what Anagnostopoulou 2003 proposed for Greek). We suggest that the restricted availability of event-related modifiers in English and German can be explained semantically despite the presence of Voice; in particular, we follow Gehrke (2011, and subsequent work) in assuming that the event involved in adjectival passives remains in the kind domain so that event modification is restricted to kind modification.…”

Section: Disjoint Interpretationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…As we have noted above, the traditional view is that these tests give different results in verbal and in adjectival passives (Baker et al 1989, Kratzer 1994, 2000, suggesting that the latter lack Voice. Greek has been noted to be an exception for many of these tests (Kordoni 2002, Anagnostopoulou 2003, Alexiadou & Anagnostopoulou 2008. The received view for German is that adjectival passives contrast with verbal passives in their highly restricted availability of by-phrases and event-related adverbial modification.…”

Section: Is the External Argument Present In The Structure Of Adjectimentioning

confidence: 99%

“…verbal structure) inside deverbal adjectives is to be preferred. Anagnostopoulou (2003), in turn, makes a structural distinction between high agent-oriented (Voice-related) and low result-oriented manner adverbs and argues that German adjectival passives only allow for the latter. In principle, then we could extend this account to by-phrases and make a distinction between Voice-related by-phrases that are disallowed with adjectival passives and low resultrelated ones that are allowed.…”

Section: By-phrases and Event-related Modification In Adjectival Passmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…(Anagnostopoulou 2003) The hair the queen.GEN are combed with golden comb 'The hair of the queen is combed with a golden comb.' b. Ihre Haare sind (*mit einem goldnen Kamm) gekämmt.…”

Section: By-phrases and Event-related Modification In Adjectival Passunclassified

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The argument structure of adjectival participles revisited

Αλεξιαδου¹,

Gehrke²,

Schäfer³

2014

Lingua

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Section: Disjoint Interpretationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Disjoint Interpretationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Is the External Argument Present In The Structure Of Adjectimentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: By-phrases and Event-related Modification In Adjectival Passmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…(Anagnostopoulou 2003) The hair the queen.GEN are combed with golden comb 'The hair of the queen is combed with a golden comb.' b. Ihre Haare sind (*mit einem goldnen Kamm) gekämmt.…”

Section: By-phrases and Event-related Modification In Adjectival Passunclassified

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The argument structure of adjectival participles revisited

Αλεξιαδου¹,

Gehrke²,

Schäfer³

2014

Lingua

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Adjectival and Analytic Passives

Emonds

2017

The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Syntax, Second Edition

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Analytic adjectival passives are common in Indo‐European. The participle around which they are constructed has a stative or property interpretation, unlike verbal (“eventive”) passives (whether analytic or synthetic). Like verbal passives, their defining characteristic is that their surface subject does not have the same thematic role θ (often agent) as subjects of corresponding actives (section 1). Other notable properties are that, unlike verbal passives, a noun phrase with this role θ is usually not structurally present, even covertly, and certain other complement choices allowed with verbs are also excluded, possibly due to the Case Filter (sections 2 and 5). Adjectival passives can be further divided into those which have the exact distribution and modification of lexical adjectives, and a more syntactic type with some verbal properties, lacking some interpretive and modificational characteristics of adjectives. The difference is illustrated clearly in, for example, Modern Greek. These two types may well result from different levels of derivational insertion of the participial morpheme (section 3). The similarities of adjectival and (analytic) verbal passives are pervasive, especially evident in Indo‐European morphology. In some non‐Indo‐European synthetic passives, such as Hebrew and Hungarian, the differences between adjectival and verbal passives seem more salient. What is apparent in Indo‐European is the distinction in which verbs select passive participles. Many verbs select adjectival passives, but only a few, so‐called auxiliaries, select verbal passives (section 4). For Indo‐European, earlier literature seems to have overstated the structural distinction, and it is plausible to argue that both types involve movement of object noun phrases to subject position. The differences between analytic adjectival and verbal passives are then possibly due to whether participial inflection is respectively interpreted as a property in Logical Form, or not interpreted at all, that is, inserted only in Phonological Form (sections 6 and 7).

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Mixed Categories

Sleeman

2023

The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Morphology

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This is a survey entry on mixed categories, including deverbal nominalizations, deverbal adjectivalizations and deadjectival nominalizations. Section 1 introduces the problems that mixed categories present for X' theory, and more specifically for the problem of headedness. Section 2 discusses derived and non‐derived deverbal nominalizations and shows how their analysis was first based on a distinction between syntax and lexicon, but later on formation in syntax only. In Section 3 the same is done for derived and non‐derived deverbal adjectivalizations. Section 4 focuses on deadjectival nominalizations, again with respect to their mixed properties. The article ends, in Section 5, with a short conclusion.

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Participles and voice

Cited by 136 publications

References 11 publications

The argument structure of adjectival participles revisited

The argument structure of adjectival participles revisited

Adjectival and Analytic Passives

Mixed Categories

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