Paradoxes du stigmate : les représentations médiatiques de Marine Le Pen

Matonti, Frédérique

doi:10.4000/gss.2626

Cited by 7 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 12 publications

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“…Taken together, our findings support previous studies on the rhetoric and style (and media representations) of Marine Le Pen that have pointed towards their ambivalent character (Boudillon, 2005; Geva, 2020; Matonti, 2013; Meret, 2015). Indeed, our findings indicate that – in seeking to position herself in the competition against Macron to her political left, on one hand, and Zemmour to her right, on the other – Le Pen managed to flexibly mobilise notions of womanhood and softness, but also of forcefulness and power associated with masculinity.…”

Section: Concluding Discussionsupporting

confidence: 91%

“…As Meret (2015: 101) concludes, Kjaersgaard’s ‘charismatic profile is defined at the intersection between a professional, hard core and despotic leadership (masculine) style in the public political sphere, and a motherly, ordinary, over-emotional and straightforward nature mainly ascribed to the ‘private Pia’, a woman and a mother’. In the case of Marine Le Pen, media representations around her have been ambivalent and complex (Matonti, 2013). She is often portrayed as her father’s daughter, compared to him and portrayed as a ‘manly leader, associated with masculine traits such as virility and determination.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Harsh punisher or loving mother? A critical discursive psychological analysis of Marine Le Pen’s presidential Twitter campaign

2023

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Marine Le Pen managed to mobilise a substantial share of the votes in the French 2022 presidential elections, ending up second after the winner Emmanuel Macron. This study aims to increase our understanding of the political appeal and mobilisation of women in far-right movements by exploring the identity management strategies Marine Le Pen deployed in her presidential Twitter campaign to construct her position as a female, right-wing populist political leader and rightful president of the nation. A corpus of 701 tweets (published between 4 July 2021 and 10 April 2022) from Le Pen’s official Twitter account were analysed through a critical discursive psychological approach. Through our analyses, we identified five subject positions that Le Pen constructed for herself in her discourse: the Protector, the Punisher, the Women’s Candidate, the Mother, and the Voice of Justice. Our findings show that through careful discursive negotiation between femininity and masculinity, Le Pen managed to engage in a dynamic positioning between a harsh candidate who punishes ‘the Other’ and a compassionate and loving mother candidate who takes care of the nation’s children. This flexible way in which Marine Le Pen claimed different positions for herself may have been a central factor that enabled her to appeal to millions of voters in the 2022 French presidential elections. The study contributes to the literature on identity politics and the discursive mobilisation of gender by female far right political leaders.

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Section: Concluding Discussionsupporting

confidence: 91%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Harsh punisher or loving mother? A critical discursive psychological analysis of Marine Le Pen’s presidential Twitter campaign

2023

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“…Such process operates through the mass media. Marine Le Pen, unlike Jean-Marie Le Pen, appears in the media as much as other party leaders (Matonti, 2013). It thus creates the conditions for lowering the costs of supporting the FN's political view.…”

Section: De-demonization and Declining Costs Of Publicly Expressing Electoral Choicesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Populism and the rational choice model: The case of the French National Front

Facchini

Jaeck

2021

Rationality and Society

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This article proposes a general model of partisan political dealignment based on the theory of expressive voting. It is based on the Riker and Odershook equation. Voters cast a ballot for a political party if the utility associated with expressing their support for it is more than their expressive costs. Expressive utility is modeled here as a certain utility model. Then, the model is applied to the rise of voting support in favor of French right-wing populists, the National Front (FN). We show that the fall of justification costs of FN ideology along with the decline in stigmatization costs of voting in favor of the extreme right has fostered the popularity of this party. Political dealignment here is only a particular case of a general process of political norms transgression inherited by each voter.

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“…Dans ce contexte, la « vieille » génération d'extrême droite, étroitement liée au mythe du fascisme historique européen, à ses symboles classiques et à ses formes de mobilisation principalement violentes, peu professionnalisée en communication politique -car stigmatisée et exclue des médias -semble progressivement s'effacer au profit d'une « nouvelle génération » qui renouvelle les références, les outils discursifs, les symboles et souvent ses leaders (Ignazi, 1994 : 201 ;Matonti, 2013 ;Richard, 2017 ;Vervaecke, 2012) et parvient ainsi à donner une image plus consensuelle -et selon certains « normalisée » -de ces mouvements (voir Igounet, 2014 ;Crépon, 2012 ;Dézé, 2012). Ceci passe par un investissement dans des domaines culturels où ils ne sont pas renvoyés à leur positionnement idéologique objectif comme l'environnement, la distribution de nourriture pour les populations locales, les expositions photographiques, le sport, les nouvelles technologies, le cinéma ou encore l'expérimentation musicale.…”

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2018

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Paradoxes du stigmate : les représentations médiatiques de Marine Le Pen

Cited by 7 publications

References 12 publications

Harsh punisher or loving mother? A critical discursive psychological analysis of Marine Le Pen’s presidential Twitter campaign

Harsh punisher or loving mother? A critical discursive psychological analysis of Marine Le Pen’s presidential Twitter campaign

Populism and the rational choice model: The case of the French National Front

Entrer en politique par la bande médiatique ?

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