Ottoman Wars, 1700-1870

Aksan, Virginia H.

doi:10.4324/9781315840826

Cited by 11 publications

(12 citation statements)

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“…A noted authority on eighteenthand nineteenth-century warfare has thus opined that the Ottoman defeat had nothing to do with the productive sector, but resulted from a reliance on army corps that were virtually militias and unable to withstand the massed artillery fire characteristic of warfare after 1750. 78 Later in the eighteenth century, the Ottoman supply system collapsed as well, but only after having held out for quite some time. 79 Therefore, many producers in the sultans' realm must have remained active in spite of the difficulties analysed by Mehmet Genç.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Making Things to Serve Sultans, Viziers and Army Commanders (1450-1800)

Faroqhi

2018

The Medieval History Journal

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Ottoman documents on manufactures for court and army concentrate on governmental initiatives. However, the time has come to view these branches of production in a broader, comparative perspective, focusing on the demands of the sultan's officials and the actions of skilled persons working for the apparatus of empire. As for the production of military hardware, the demands of eighteenthcentury warfare fell most heavily on the more prosperous workshops; and the lack of working capital became a permanent worry after the Russo-Ottoman war of 1768-74. However, until about 1750, the sultans' military machine was still ahead of the Russians in the supply of armaments and foodstuffs. Technology and the lack of manufacturing skills, thus, were not at issue when Ottoman armies suffered defeat.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Making Things to Serve Sultans, Viziers and Army Commanders (1450-1800)

Faroqhi

2018

The Medieval History Journal

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“…74 Eventually, the competing claims to land ownership, combined with the conscription demands of the state (enacted through the conscription law of 1846), caused large-scale and long-lasting peasant unrest in many parts of the empire, most notably in Bulgaria (1841-50, 1875-6), northern Anatolia (1840s-60s), Lebanon (1858-61), Palestine and Syria (1852-64), and Bosnia (1850, 1874-5). 75 Moreover, without the support and assistance of the provincial notables, tax collection utterly collapsed in the countryside. 76 Attempts at simultaneously creating the propertied-individual and the 72 Tobias Heinzelmann, Cihaddan Vatan Savunmasına: Osmanlı Imparatorluğuʿnda Genel Askerlik Yukumlu-Jacobin-like political subject, both defined with universal freedom and equality, ended up corrupting the developmental and geopolitical promises of modern subjecthood.…”

Section: Eren Duzgunmentioning

confidence: 99%

Capitalism, Jacobinism and International Relations: Re-interpreting the Ottoman path to modernity

Duzgun

2017

Rev. Int. Stud.

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Debates over ‘modernity’ have been central to the development of historical-sociological approaches to International Relations (IR). Within the bourgeoning subfield of International Historical Sociology (IHS), much work has been done to formulate a historically dynamic conception of international relations, which is then used to undermine unilinear conceptions of global modernity. Nevertheless, this article argues that IHS has not proceeded far enough in successfully remedying the problem of unilinearism. The problem remains that historical narratives, informed by IHS, tend to transhistoricise capitalism, which, in turn, obscures the generative nature of international relations, as well as the fundamental heterogeneity of diverging paths to modernity both within and beyond western Europe. Based on the theory of Uneven and Combined Development, Political Marxism, and Robbie Shilliam’s discussion of ‘Jacobinism’, this article first reinterprets the radical multilinearity of modernity within western Europe, and then utilises this reinterpretation to provide a new reading of the Ottoman path to modernity (1839–1918). Such a historical critique and reconstruction will highlight the significance of Jacobinism for a more accurate theorisation of the origin and development of the modern international order, hence contributing to a deeper understanding of the international relations of modernity.

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“…Possessing arms and maintaining a network of alliances with other inhabitants of the cities, especially artisans, the janissaries were an indispensable ally for individuals who sought to usurp or maintain control of a given region. 29 Moreover, the judicial and tax immunities of both the janissaries and the ayan provided them with a shared incentive to oppose reforms efforts that would strip away these privileges. For the janissaries, an alliance with some ayan offered a chance to maintain their privileged position, especially given the resistance by numerous ayan to Sultan Selim's Nizam-ı Cedid, or even to reunite the janissaries with their former landholdings.…”

Section: Ot T O M a N B E L G R A D E T O 1 7 9mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…29 Moreover, the judicial and tax immunities of both the janissaries and the ayan provided them with a shared incentive to oppose reforms efforts that would strip away these privileges. Others, such as Tepedelenli Ali Pasha and Kara Feyzi, had established mutually beneficial arrangements with members of the Janissary Corps.…”

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confidence: 99%

In the Name of the Sultan: Haci Mustafa Pasha of Belgrade and Ottoman Provincial Rule in the Late 18th Century

Zens¹

2012

Int. J. Middle East Stud.

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This article examines the administration of Hacı Mustafa Pasha, the military governor of Belgrade from 1793 to 1801. His appointment to this strategically located post was at odds with the contemporary trend in Ottoman provincial politics. Unlike most high-ranking provincial officials at this time, especially in the Balkans, Mustafa Pasha was not among the wealthy and militarily powerful ayan (local notables) but rather a career bureaucrat. His tumultuous and ultimately tragic administration reveals that his appointment was part of the attempt by Sultan Selim III (r. 1789-1807) to recentralize provincial governance. This study also provides a sociopolitical portrait of Belgrade and the surrounding region during the 18th century, as well as a brief look at the dangerous alliance of ayan and the janissaries.Since the Ottoman state's expansion into the Balkans in the mid-14th century, it was engaged in the difficult balancing act of developing a system of provincial administration that would represent the will of the sultan while maintaining the good will of the subject population. This effort became increasingly difficult in the 18th century, when ayan (local notables) and other provincial forces, such as members of the Janissary Corps, emerged as a source of provincial leadership at the expense of central government control. Faced with this new challenge, the Ottoman state vacillated between two often contradictory paths: recognizing ayan as the administrators of the region they inhabited or appointing an individual whose loyalty and sole source of legitimacy resided with the sultan.The challenges faced by both the central government and centrally appointed provincial officials are illustrated clearly in late 18th-century Belgrade. This article examines the attempt by Sultan Selim III (r. 1789III (r. -1807 to circumvent the various obstacles to centralized rule in the paşalık (district) of Belgrade by appointing Filibeli Ş inikzade Hacı Mustafa Pasha, a relatively untested administrator, as the muhafız (military governor) of the paşalık. The threats of neighboring ayan, attempts to reclaim political and economic power by the janissaries, the growing dissatisfaction of the Serbian population with the Robert W. Zens is an Associate Professor in the

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Ottoman Wars, 1700-1870

Cited by 11 publications

References 0 publications

Making Things to Serve Sultans, Viziers and Army Commanders (1450-1800)

Making Things to Serve Sultans, Viziers and Army Commanders (1450-1800)

Capitalism, Jacobinism and International Relations: Re-interpreting the Ottoman path to modernity

In the Name of the Sultan: Haci Mustafa Pasha of Belgrade and Ottoman Provincial Rule in the Late 18th Century

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