Orpheus and the Underground

Abstract

This three-part article highlights a personal liaison with the concept of implicit religion as both cultural analyst and religion theorist. The lack of unity and methodological rigour which characterize the reception of the concept of implicit religion to date fuels the desire to apply it in a systematic fashion to a contemporary youth culture phenomenon which satisfies the orphic metaphor of initiation, night-time and music, and has been widely interpreted as harbouring some sort of religiosity or rapport with the sacred: the English-born-turned-global phenomenon of techno-music-fuelled raves. The first section presents general information on raves, methodological considerations and an ‘ethnographic’ account stemming from field research conducted with a small group of Montreal ravers in 2002. The second section is interpretative, starting with a synthesis of existing interpretations according to which raves are driven by various religious ‘anthropo-logics’. The three definitional vectors of implicit religion are then systematically applied to the material presented in section one, while drawing parallels with Bailey’s (1997) presentation. The third and last part uses the prior analysis as a basis from which to critique the concept of implicit religion. It tries to show how the definition of implicit religion has shortcomings with regards to the orphic—or, more precisely, the transgressive—pole of religion, paramount in the study of raves. It also argues that the concept of implicit religion is tributary of a typically ‘modern’ inflexion permeating sociological theories on religion; an inflexion which has oriented research to date in this field and which has led to confusion as to the status of implicit religion as religion or ‘something like it’. The article closes with a few hints as to which theoretical avenues the author thinks could overcome the conceptual difficulties outlined.

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“…Therefore, no consensual framework exists marking the purpose of the event as generating an atmosphere consistent with the PLUR philosophy that is characteristic of a rave. While there are individuals present for the aforementioned reasons, others are motivated by behaviors associated with bars, such as drinking and seeking a sexual partner (Gauthier, 2005;Sylvan, 2005;Takahashi & Olaveson, 2003). In other words, the crowd at a club may have a different feel from the crowd at a rave.…”

“…However, such perspectives deny the potential for EDM events to function as a space for psycho-spiritual exploration and fail to inquire into the individual motivations of participants. A number of researchers in the field have recognized this gap in the scholarly literature and research on EDM culture (Hutson, 1999(Hutson, , 2000Gauthier, 2004Gauthier, , 2005Malbon, 1999;Sai Chun-Lau, 2006;St John, 2006, 2012aSylvan, 2002Sylvan, , 2005Takahashi, 2004aTakahashi, , 2004bTakahashi, , 2005Takahashi & Olaveson, 2003;Till, 2006). Using research methods inherent to the fields of anthropology, sociology, and religious and cultural studies, these researchers explored the meaning EDM participants associate with attending EDM events and uncovered transpersonal, spiritual, and religious dimensions of their experiences.…”

“…Repeated accounts of embodied, unitive experiences stimulated research into the ways in which EDM events exemplify the nontraditional forms of religion emerging in modern day life (Gauthier, 2005;Lynch & Badger, 2006;St John, 2004;Sylvan, 2005;Takahashi & Olaveson, 2003). Sai-Chun Lau (2006) and Till (2006) investigated the relationship between EDM culture and Christianity following reports of people seeking religious experience at EDM events instead of in traditional religious institutions.…”

“…While it is debatable whether the EDM scene can be categorized as a new religious movement (Olaveson, 2004;Wallace, 1956Wallace, , 1966, religious terminology is sprinkled throughout scholarly descriptions of EDM participation (Gauthier, 2005;Hutson, 2000;Sai-Chun Lau, 2006;St John, 2004;Sylvan, 2005;Takahashi & Olaveson, 2003;Till, 2006). For example, Sylvan (2005) found that new EDM participants usually begin their involvement in EDM culture with a conversion experience, in which they feel that they have been reborn.…”

“…While the potentially harmful psychological and physical consequences caused by the recreational use of club drugs by some EDM participants are real (Baggott & Mendelson, 2001;Gauthier, 2005;Gouzoulis-Mayfrank & Daumann, 2006;Henry & Rella, 2001;Holland, 2001b;Jansen, 2001;Kavanaugh & Anderson, 2008;Parks & Kennedy, 2004;Parrot, 2004Parrot, , 2007Sanders, 2006;Thomasius et al, 2006), they have also been sensationalized by media, government, and public health perspectives which simplistically view the rave scene as a war on drugs issue (Hunt, Evans, & Kares, 2007). Meanwhile, a postmodern perspective dominated initial scholarly literature on EDM culture (Melechi, 1993;Redhead, 1993;Rietveld, 1993).…”