Oppression, Solidarity, Resistance: The Forging of Kurdish Identity in Turkey

Gourlay, William

doi:10.1080/17449057.2017.1339425

Cited by 19 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 26 publications

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“…Although this small difference may be due to demographic differences, it may also reflect a real difference between HDP partisans and others. Kurds and HDP partisans have suffered greater discrimination and repression, which the literature connects to stronger in-group identification (Gourlay, 2018; Nugent, 2020).…”

Section: Data and Findingsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Partisanship and Autocratization: Polarization, Power Asymmetry, and Partisan Social Identities in Turkey

Laebens

Öztürk

2020

Comparative Political Studies

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Although theories of partisanship were developed for the democratic context, partisanship can be important in electoral autocracies as well. We use survey data to analyze partisanship in an electoral autocracy, Turkey, and find that partisanship is pervasive, strong, and consequential. Using the Partisan Identity Scale to measure partisanship, we show that, like in democracies, partisanship strength is associated with political attitudes and action. Unlike in democracies, however, the ruling party’s superior ability to mobilize supporters through clientelistic linkages makes the association between partisanship and political action weaker for ruling party partisans. We find that partisan identities are tightly connected to the perception that other parties may threaten one’s well-being, and that such fears are widespread on both sides of the political divide. We interpret our findings in light of the autocratization process Turkey went through. Our contribution highlights the potential of integrating regime dynamics in studies of partisanship.

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Section: Data and Findingsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Partisanship and Autocratization: Polarization, Power Asymmetry, and Partisan Social Identities in Turkey

Laebens

Öztürk

2020

Comparative Political Studies

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“…These results dovetail with Henne's main conclusion that government interference in religious institutions is, at best, ineffective in reducing violence (Henne 2019). The conflict has actually galvanized “Kurds to cling more tightly to their ethnic identity and to define themselves in contradistinction to the state‐proscribed Turkish identity” (Gourlay 2018; Gurses 2018).…”

Section: Does Religion Affect Support For the Pkk Insurgency?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Religion and Armed Conflict: Evidence from the Kurdish Conflict in Turkey

Gürses

Öztürk

2020

Scientific Study of Religion

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This article examines the effectiveness of religion as a solution to ethno-nationalist conflicts, drawing on the case of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan [PKK]) in Turkey. We utilize an original data set that contains data on Turkey's state-sponsored mosques between 1980 and 2016 to test for the purported peacemaking potential of religion. Results from this data set, coupled with an alternative measure of the state's involvement in religion, show that increased Islamization has no discernible impact on lowering support for the ethno-nationalist Kurdish political parties or insurgency.

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“…In this atmosphere, the outlawed PKK was established in 1978. It carried out its irst terror attacks against Turkey in August 1984 by assaulting gendarmerie stations in the provinces of Hakkari and Siirt, resulting in an armed con lict between Turkish security forces and the PKK (Bozarslan, 2018;Gutaj & Al, 2017;Gourlay, 2018).…”

Section: Turkey's Kurdish Issue and Its Main Dimensionsmentioning

confidence: 99%