Opacity in Campidanian Sardinian metaphony

Abstract

This paper develops an analysis of two opaque interactions in Campidanian Sardinian that involve metaphony and two other processes, vowel merger in the suffixal domain and word-final vowel epenthesis. The analysis is developed within the formalism of Turbidity Theory, a model assuming containment, combined with privative features, maximal economy in the representation of segments and relativized scope. The basic idea is that metaphony is computed synchronically as a non-local licensing condition of a feature {high} only if it is underlyingly present. We discuss, on the one hand, cases of non-application of metaphony induced by a subset of high vowel inflectional suffixes. We show that underapplication of metaphony in Campidanian Sardinian is due to insertion of a feature {high} in this set of non-low suffixes lacking {high} underlyingly, which does not need to be licensed as it is not lexical. On the other hand, metaphony also underapplies in the presence of epenthesized high vowels, because their feature {high} is again inserted since these vowels have no correspondent in the input. This paper presents an account that allows the implementation of the interacting processes such as metaphony, vowel merger and word-final vowel epenthesis into one paral- lel OT computation. With the help of work on inventory structure, the opaquely interacting processes can be modelled without relying on rule ordering.

Cagliari Sardinian

“…bella [»bElla] 'beautiful (F)', bellu [»bellu] 'beautiful (M)'; cosa [»kçza] 'thing' and logu [»loƒu] 'place'. Given that high-mid vowels derive from low-mid vowels, according to Bolognesi (1998), Frigeni (2002) and Torres-Tamarit, Linke & Vanrell (2017), high-mid vowels are considered allophones of low-mid vowels. Therefore, the contrastive vowel inventory of all Campidanese varieties, including Cagliari Sardinian, has only five vowels, /i E a ç u/.…”

“…Therefore, the contrastive vowel inventory of all Campidanese varieties, including Cagliari Sardinian, has only five vowels, /i E a ç u/. Metaphony in Campidanese is blocked in two cases (Bolognesi 1998, Frigeni 2002, Torres-Tamarit et al 2017):…”

Stress and final /n/ deletion in Catalan: Combining Strict CV and OT

“…Candidate (b), with non-realization of /n/, violates *Floating twice, and this is why candidate (a) wins. Foot boundaries are marked in (25) ( Levelt & van Oostendorp 2007, van Oostendorp 2014and Torres-Tamarit et al 2017 for implicational constraints of the if-then-type). Such output-oriented constraints are independently needed to account for how certain classes of segments, such as rhotics, are interpreted by the phonetics on a language-particular basis.…”

Spanish non-continuants at the phonology-phonetics interface

“…Since structural relations go in two directions (from the input to the output and back), two featural reciprocity constraints must be used to formalise the correspondence between projection and pronunciation lines. I will use the general constraint formulation pattern established by Oostendorp (2008) and applied by Torres-Tamarit, Linke, and Vanrell (2017).…”

“…(19) Featural reciprocity constraints under turbidity (Torres-Tamarit et al 2017) a. RECIPROCITY r F : assign a violation mark for every feature F projected by a root node r that is not pronounced by r.…”