2019
DOI: 10.1080/1369118x.2019.1594333
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Online propaganda use during Islamist radicalization

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Cited by 41 publications
(46 citation statements)
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“…Besides the mainstream communities on YouTube such as music and entertainment that make up the majority of content on the platform, we are especially interested in the communities that form around political channels as they have been identified in prior research as some of the most problematic on YouTube (Lewis, 2018;O'Callaghan et al, 2014). The political dimension of YouTube cannot be ignored as Lewis (2018), Munn (2019) and Baugut and Neumann (2020) highlighted that YouTube might play a role in political radicalization and is prone to recommend misinformation (Allgaier, 2019;Kaiser et al, in press). Indeed, if filter bubbles were to exist, the assumed effect would be the worst in the political context.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Besides the mainstream communities on YouTube such as music and entertainment that make up the majority of content on the platform, we are especially interested in the communities that form around political channels as they have been identified in prior research as some of the most problematic on YouTube (Lewis, 2018;O'Callaghan et al, 2014). The political dimension of YouTube cannot be ignored as Lewis (2018), Munn (2019) and Baugut and Neumann (2020) highlighted that YouTube might play a role in political radicalization and is prone to recommend misinformation (Allgaier, 2019;Kaiser et al, in press). Indeed, if filter bubbles were to exist, the assumed effect would be the worst in the political context.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…They can also be facets of intergroup interactions, such as direct experiences of discrimination (Frounfelker et al, 2019;King & Taylor, 2011), racism or exclusion, or negative experiences with public authorities (Frounfelker et al, 2019), or they can be reflective of the social environment in general, such as actively cutting social bonds (Doosje et al, 2016) which can result more generally in social alienation (Bélanger et al, 2019), establishing contact with radical groups or individuals, and participating radical group activities such as training camps. Finally, there are possible trigger factors which are more abstract than personal, such as confrontations with propaganda (Baugut & Neumann, 2019;Baugut & Neumann, 2020), perceived attacks on the ingroup, and governmental policies targeting the ingroup or radicalization (Feddes et al, 2015). Finally, a key trigger factor for deradicalization and disengagement (Barrelle, 2014;Bjørgo, 2011) is disillusionment.…”
Section: Trigger Factors Vs Risk Factorsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Its danger is made most obviously apparent by terrorist attacks, which can be considered the endpoint of a process during which the rejection of a political status quo may culminate in the use of violence (Neumann, 2013; Start Background Report, 2019). Given that research has shown that two types of communication—propaganda and mainstream media coverage—are consumed by radicalizing individuals (Baugut and Neumann, 2019c; Neumann, 2019), the field of communication studies has the potential to contribute to our understanding of the radicalization process.…”
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confidence: 99%
“…Numerous previous studies analyzing the variety of Islamist propaganda content suggest that propagandists differentially target individuals and groups who differ in their degree of radicalization (Baines and O’Shaughnessy, 2014; Colas, 2017; Zelin, 2015). Furthermore, studies based on content analyses have provided rough systematizations of the plethora of Islamist propaganda based on (a) the assumed functions of the propaganda, such as intimidation, legitimization, and recruitment (Rieger et al, 2013); (b) the phases of the radicalization process in which individuals are exposed to propaganda (Baugut and Neumann, 2019c); and (c) the occurrence of violence (Salem et al, 2008).…”
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confidence: 99%
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