One of Our Own: Black Female Candidates and The Voters Who Support Them

Philpot, Tasha S.; Walton, Hanes

doi:10.1057/9780230114340_7

Cited by 19 publications

(29 citation statements)

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“…1 For example, state legislators rate their black colleagues' legislative effectiveness much lower than that of white legislators (Haynie 2002), even after controlling for relevant experience, bill introductions, committee membership, partisanship, and seniority factors. Female Cabinet Secretaries-designates are less likely to be granted insider status during their Senate confirmation hearings than their male 1 While earlier studies revealed a relative reluctance among white, male voters to support minority and female candidates (Philpot and Walton 2007), recent empirical studies find that voters generally do not make voting decisions based on stereotypes (e.g., Brooks 2013; Dolan 2014) unless those stereotypes have been activated during the campaign (Bauer 2015). counterparts with similar career paths (Borrelli 1997).…”

Section: Out-group Assessment Bias In Employment Settingsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Role of Nominee Gender and Race at U.S. Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings

Boyd¹,

Collins²,

Ringhand³

2018

Law Soc Rev

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We investigate an unexplored aspect of the U.S. Supreme Court confirmation process: whether questioning senators treat female and minority nominees differently from male and white nominees. Applying out‐group theory, we argue that senators will ask female and minority nominees more questions about their “judicial philosophies” in an effort to determine their competence to serve on the Court. This out‐group bias is likely to be exacerbated for nominees not sharing the senator's political party. Our results do not support racial differences, but they do provide strong evidence that female nominees receive more judicial philosophy‐related questions from male senators. This effect is enhanced when the female nominee does not share the partisan affiliation of the questioning senator. Together, these findings indicate that female nominees undergo a substantively different confirmation process than male nominees. We further find that this effect may be most intense with nominees like Justice Sotomayor, whose identities align with more than one out‐group.

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Section: Out-group Assessment Bias In Employment Settingsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…While earlier studies revealed a relative reluctance among white, male voters to support minority and female candidates (Philpot and Walton ), recent empirical studies find that voters generally do not make voting decisions based on stereotypes (e.g., Brooks ; Dolan ) unless those stereotypes have been activated during the campaign (Bauer ).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Role of Nominee Gender and Race at U.S. Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings

Boyd¹,

Collins²,

Ringhand³

2018

Law Soc Rev

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“…The most basic empirical realization of this has been demonstrated numerous times; i.e., as the population of African Americans increases, the probability of an African American being elected increases (Branton, ; Canon, ; Guinier, ; Lublin, ). While the simple dyadic relationship between African‐American constituencies and African‐American officeholders has produced mixed results regarding its effect on African‐American turnout (Gay, ; Griffin and Newman, ; Philpot and Walton, ; Tate, ), those taking a broader look at the effects of the political environment as a whole have found an increase in participation where there is significant African‐American representation. For example, Bobo and Gilliam () demonstrate that African‐American participation increases in areas with African‐American mayors (see also Smith, ).…”

Section: Right‐wing Authoritarianismmentioning

confidence: 99%

Race and Right‐Wing Authoritarianism: How Scoring High in Authoritarianism Does Not Necessarily Lead to Support for Right‐Wing Candidates*

Dusso

2016

Social Science Quarterly

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Objectives Authoritarianism has a long history suggesting that it is primarily a phenomenon of the right. However, I argue that this has led to scholars overlooking the potential that, in some contexts, authoritarianism can lead to support for left‐wing candidates. African‐American voters in the United States provide such a context. A key component of right‐wing authoritarianism is that individuals will support whom they believe to be their rightful leader. In the United States, who one believes to be their group's rightful leader is contingent on the race of the voter and the party of the candidate. I hypothesize that as African‐American voters' level of authoritarianism increases, they will be more likely to support the left‐wing Democratic candidate. Methods I test this hypothesis with a national sample of voters after the 2012 U.S. presidential election. I estimate multiple logit models predicting the probability of voting for Obama, the key independent variables being respondents' right‐wing authoritarian score, their race, and the interaction of these two variables. Results The results present strong support for my hypothesis that an increase in right‐wing authoritarianism increases the probability of African‐American voters choosing Obama. Conclusion The results show that the effect of authoritarianism on vote choice is contingent on race/ethnicity. Too often, scholars have overlooked the potential that whom individuals deem to be their established authority is contingent on the political context. These results challenge scholars to provide a more nuanced approach to how authoritarianism influences behavior.

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“…2008; Montoya et al. 2000; Philpot and Walton 2007; Scola 2006; Smooth 2008; Takash 1997). Yet, cross‐national studies on minority women in national legislatures are just beginning to appear (Dahlerup and Freidenvall 2011; Holmsten et al.…”

Section: Women In National Legislatures Worldwidementioning

confidence: 99%

Diversity in National Legislatures Around the World

Hughes

2012

Sociology Compass

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Men from majority racial, ethnic, and religious groups continue to dominate electoral politics in most countries. At the same time, national legislatures are becoming more diverse. Cross‐national research on inequality in national politics focuses most often on women, but occasionally addresses the political representation of other marginalized groups. This review brings together these distinct areas of research – cross‐national studies on the representation of women and minority groups in national legislatures – to think about diversity in politics in a broader way. Such an approach suggests future studies should: (i) acknowledge important differences among women; (ii) focus on more than one type of minority group at a time; and (iii) explicitly examine variation in the overrepresentation of majority men as political elites.

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One of Our Own: Black Female Candidates and The Voters Who Support Them

Cited by 19 publications

References 0 publications

The Role of Nominee Gender and Race at U.S. Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings

The Role of Nominee Gender and Race at U.S. Supreme Court Confirmation Hearings

Race and Right‐Wing Authoritarianism: How Scoring High in Authoritarianism Does Not Necessarily Lead to Support for Right‐Wing Candidates*

Diversity in National Legislatures Around the World

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