On the Syntax of the Russian Control Verbs Pomoč ' 'Help' and Pomešat' 'Hinder'

Abstract

This paper examines sentences with the verbs pomoč' 'help' and pomešat' 'hinder' in Russian and demonstrates that, although they are usually listed among object control predicates, these verbs appear in a wide range of constructions that cannot be accounted for by a straightforward control analysis. To explain the distribution of pomoč' and pomešat' , I argue that they are, in essence, ditransitive, similarly to 'give' or 'send': they require a Goal (a person or a situation that will be helped/hindered) and a Theme headed by a silent noun HETP/HINDRANCE. A dative DP, either [+sentient] or eventive, a subjunctive čtoby -clause, or a non-finite clause with an overt subject, when present, should be analyzed as a Goal. A controlled infinitival clause is merged as a modifier within the Theme NP. The approach is extended to control collocations such as 'give a chance'. It further offers an opportunity to develop a uniform structural representation for various verbs of object control that will reduce the differences between them to particular properties of the Theme.

Structural Ambiguities of Russian Dative Infinitival Constructions

“…Similar constructions were discussed in Moore & Perlmutter (1999) and explored further by Burukina (2019Burukina ( , 2020. Moore & Perlmutter (1999) point out that in such constructions, the dative DP can be either a matrix controller or an embedded subject.…”

“…Although the parallelism between (13-b) and ( 14) strongly suggests that the dative DP is basegenerated in the lower clause, there is evidence that the subject DP can also originate as an argument of the matrix clause, controlling the embedded PRO. Burukina (2019Burukina ( , 2020 points out that the (i) a.…”

“…Moore & Perlmutter (1999) point out that in such constructions, the dative DP can be either a matrix controller or an embedded subject. Therefore, (2) can have two possible representations: Burukina (2019Burukina ( , 2020 explores similar constructions, arguing for the existence of the matrix Applicative Phrase (ApplP), which is occupied by either an overt or an implicit bearer of an obligation (Holder). The DP/PRO alternation in the embedded clause is attributed to (un)availability of case assigners.…”