2022
DOI: 10.1007/s10831-022-09241-7
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On the syntax of rhetorical questions: evidence from Cantonese

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Cited by 2 publications
(3 citation statements)
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“…Iatridou and Zeijlstra (2013) and van der Wouden (1994) indicate that in English, Dutch, German, and many other languages, there are need-type modals that must take scope under negation, which are generally taken to be NPIs. It is not surprising that sai2 in Cantonese, as a deontic modal, is also an NPI (see also Tang 2022a). In this section, I demonstrate that sai2 should be analyzed as an NPI.…”
Section: Saias An Npimentioning
confidence: 64%
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“…Iatridou and Zeijlstra (2013) and van der Wouden (1994) indicate that in English, Dutch, German, and many other languages, there are need-type modals that must take scope under negation, which are generally taken to be NPIs. It is not surprising that sai2 in Cantonese, as a deontic modal, is also an NPI (see also Tang 2022a). In this section, I demonstrate that sai2 should be analyzed as an NPI.…”
Section: Saias An Npimentioning
confidence: 64%
“…( Based on corpus data, Špago (2016) finds that polarity item is one of the syntactic indicators of rhetorical questions such that questions with polarity item are rhetorical in most cases. It is reasonable to say that sai2's NPI property makes rhetorical force obligatory, in the sense that only in rhetorical contexts, a covert negative operator is placed at the sentence-initial position (along the lines with the hypothesis proposed by Han 2002;Nakashima 2018;Pan 2019;and Tang 2022a), and sai2 can be licensed by it. In fact, some NPIs ( jam6ho4 in (15)) and NPI minimizers (bun3-CL in ( 16)) can only be licensed under the rhetorical and negative context (instead of in questions) if no c-commanding negator appears in the sentence.…”
Section: Obligatory Rhetorical Forcementioning
confidence: 99%
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