Abstract:Event-related brain potentials (ERPs) were recorded from 13 scalp electrodes while subjects read sentences, some of which contained either a verb that disagreed in number with the subject noun (syntactic anomaly) or a word in uppercase letters (physical anomaly). Uppercase words elicited the P300 complex of positivities, whereas agreement violations elicited a late positive shift with an onset around 500 msec and a duration of several hundred msec. These effects differed in their morphology, temporal course, a… Show more
“…Although these two aspects of the P600/SPS have not been reported before, reanalysis of our earlier data [11] and inspection of the waveforms of other P600/ SPS studies [26,28], clearly support our observation in this study of the P600/SPS being a complex consisting of more than one aspect of the parsing process. We hypothesize that one aspect is related to the complexity of syntactic processing.…”
In this study, event-related brain potential e ects of speech processing are obtained and compared to similar e ects in sentence reading. In two experiments sentences were presented that contained three di erent types of grammatical violations. In one experiment sentences were presented word by word at a rate of four words per second. The grammatical violations elicited a Syntactic Positive Shift (P600/SPS), 500 ms after the onset of the word that rendered the sentence ungrammatical. The P600/SPS consisted of two phases, an early phase with a relatively equal anterior±posterior distribution and a later phase with a strong posterior distribution. We interpret the ®rst phase as an indication of structural integration complexity, and the second phase as an indication of failing parsing operations and/or an attempt at reanalysis. In the second experiment the same syntactic violations were presented in sentences spoken at a normal rate and with normal intonation. These violations elicited a P600/SPS with the same onset as was observed for the reading of these sentences. In addition two of the three violations showed a preceding frontal negativity, most clearly over the left hemisphere. 7
“…Although these two aspects of the P600/SPS have not been reported before, reanalysis of our earlier data [11] and inspection of the waveforms of other P600/ SPS studies [26,28], clearly support our observation in this study of the P600/SPS being a complex consisting of more than one aspect of the parsing process. We hypothesize that one aspect is related to the complexity of syntactic processing.…”
In this study, event-related brain potential e ects of speech processing are obtained and compared to similar e ects in sentence reading. In two experiments sentences were presented that contained three di erent types of grammatical violations. In one experiment sentences were presented word by word at a rate of four words per second. The grammatical violations elicited a Syntactic Positive Shift (P600/SPS), 500 ms after the onset of the word that rendered the sentence ungrammatical. The P600/SPS consisted of two phases, an early phase with a relatively equal anterior±posterior distribution and a later phase with a strong posterior distribution. We interpret the ®rst phase as an indication of structural integration complexity, and the second phase as an indication of failing parsing operations and/or an attempt at reanalysis. In the second experiment the same syntactic violations were presented in sentences spoken at a normal rate and with normal intonation. These violations elicited a P600/SPS with the same onset as was observed for the reading of these sentences. In addition two of the three violations showed a preceding frontal negativity, most clearly over the left hemisphere. 7
“…The ease of appreciation, relevance or use of the information provided at the mismatch may differ considerably when integrating a picture or a word into a written sentence context. As mentioned previously, some researchers maintain that the P600 to the target word indicates that an individual is forced to reprocess the sentence in order to make the target fit the incorrect structure (e.g., Osterhout et al, 1996). Others in contrast have argued that it is the recognition or surprise value of the error itself, or the inability to fully integrate the target into the context, that leads to the P600 (e.g., Coulson et al, 1998;Patel et al, 1998).…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Such positivities are presumed to index syntactic processing or reprocessing (e.g., Osterhout et al, 1996) or in a more domain-general view the recognition of a task-related anomaly (e.g., Coulson et al, 1998;Patel et al, 1998). Another possible outcome would be the elicitation of a greater negativity to gender mismatches over frontal sites (i.e., a so-called left anterior negativity or LAN).…”
Event-related brain potentials (ERPs) were used to examine the role of grammatical gender in written sentence comprehension. Native Spanish speakers read sentences in which a drawing depicting a target noun was either congruent or incongruent with sentence meaning, and either agreed or disagreed in gender with that of the preceding article. The gender-agreement violation at the drawing was associated with an enhanced negativity between 500 and 700 msec post-stimulus onset. Semantically incongruent drawings elicited a larger N400 than congruent drawings regardless of gender (dis)agreement, indicating little effect of grammatical gender agreement on contextual integration of a picture into a written sentence context. We also observed an enhanced negativity for articles with unexpected relative to expected gender based on prior sentence context indicating that readers generate expectations for specific nouns and their articles.
“…First, the current late positive ERP effects may be related to the P300 ERP response, a domain-general response to task-relevant events (Coulson, King, & Kutas, 1998;Pritchard, 1981; but see Osterhout & Hagoort, 1999;Osterhout, McKinnon, Bersick, & Corey, 1996). Although we did not give participants an explicit task, it is possible that they, in addition to the 'normal' task of language comprehension, perceived the anaphors to be relevant to an implicit task (e.g., judging the acceptability of anaphoric expressions).…”
Section: Common Lpc Effects To Linguistically Different Problemsmentioning
a b s t r a c tIn this event-related brain potential (ERP) study, we examined how semantic and referential aspects of anaphoric noun phrase resolution interact during discourse comprehension. We used a full factorial design that crossed referential ambiguity with semantic incoherence. Ambiguous anaphors elicited a sustained negative shift (Nref effect), and incoherent anaphors elicited an N400 effect. Simultaneously ambiguous and incoherent anaphors elicited an ERP pattern resembling that of the incoherent anaphors. These results suggest that semantic incoherence can preclude readers from engaging in anaphoric inferencing. Furthermore, approximately half of our participants unexpectedly showed common late positive effects to the three types of problematic anaphors. We relate the latter finding to recent accounts of what the P600 might reflect, and to the role of individual differences therein.
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