On the Complex Regulating the Voiced-Voiceless Distinction II

Slis, I.H.; Cohen, A.

doi:10.1177/002383096901200301

Cited by 72 publications

(38 citation statements)

References 12 publications

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“…Interestingly, plosives that were actually voiced had longer closure durations (on average 108.9 ms) than plosives that were realized as voiceless (69.0 ms). This finding is in contrast with data for intervocalic positions, in which voiced plosives have shorter closures than voiceless plosives (e.g., Slis & Cohen 1969, Ernestus 2000. Probably, our speaker lengthened the voiced closures in order to have the presence of vocal fold vibration come out well.…”

Section: Methodscontrasting

confidence: 99%

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6. Intraparadigmatic effects on the perception of voice

Ernestus¹,

Baayen²

2007

Voicing in Dutch

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In Dutch, all morpheme-final obstruents are voiceless in word-final position. As a consequence, the distinction between obstruents that are voiced before vowel-initial suffixes and those that are always voiceless is neutralized. This study adds to the existing evidence that the neutralization is incomplete: neutralized, alternating plosives tend to have shorter bursts than non-alternating plosives. Furthermore, in a rating study, listeners scored the alternating plosives as more voiced than the nonalternating plosives, showing sensitivity to the subtle subphonemic cues in the acoustic signal. Importantly, the participants who were presented with the complete words, instead of just the final rhymes, scored the voiceless alternating plosives as even more voiced. This shows that listeners' perception of voice is affected by their knowledge of the obstruent's realization in the word's morphological paradigm. Apparently, subphonemic paradigmatic levelling is a characteristic of both production and perception. We explain the effects within an analogy-based approach.

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Section: Methodscontrasting

confidence: 99%

“…In many languages, voiced obstruents are preceded by longer vowels than voiceless obstruents. This is also the case for intervocalic obstruents in Dutch (Slis & Cohen 1969). In contrast, if a speaker of Dutch realizes word-final obstruents as voiced, apparently this does not necessarily affect the length of the preceding vowel.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 61%

6. Intraparadigmatic effects on the perception of voice

Ernestus¹,

Baayen²

2007

Voicing in Dutch

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“…This implies that the difference in release noise does not simply result from a difference in speech rate. Shorter release noises are characteristic of voiced obstruents (Slis and Cohen 1969), and our results therefore provide additional evidence that incomplete neutralization in Dutch may be evidenced by the duration of the release noise. In addition, we conclude that spelling can induce incomplete neutralization in Dutch, even if the speaker does not read minimal word pairs.…”

Section: Resultssupporting

confidence: 61%

The functionality of incomplete neutralization in Dutch: The case of the past-tense formation

Goldstein¹,

Whalen²,

Best³

2006

Laboratory Phonology 8

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“…Vocal fold vibration has been established as another major cue to the fortis-lenis distinction in fricatives (e.g., Fischer-J0rgensen 1963 for German; Slis & Cohen 1969a, 1969bvan den Berg & Slis 1985, Kissine et al 2003 for Dutch, but see Jessen 1998 for a description of [voice] as a feature different from fortis/lenis). In general, /v, z/ are produced with vocal fold vibration, whereas /f, s/ are not.…”

Section: Phonetic Correlates O F the Fortis-lenis Contrastmentioning

confidence: 99%

Prosodic strengthening of German fricatives in duration and assimilatory devoicing

Kuzla

Cho

Ernestus

2007

Journal of Phonetics

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This study addressed prosodic effects on the duration of and amount of glottal vibration in German word-initial fricatives /f, v, z/ in assimilatory and non-assimilatory devoicing contexts. Fricatives following /a/ (non-assimilation context) were longer and were produced with less glottal vibration after higher prosodic boundaries, reflecting domain initial prosodic strengthening. After /t/ (assimilation context), lenis fricatives (/v, z/) were produced with less glottal vibration than after /a/, due to assimilatory devoicing. This devoicing was especially strong across lower prosodic boundaries, showing the influence of prosodic structure on sandhi processes. Reduction in glottal vibration made lenis fricatives more fortis-like (/f, z/). Importantly, fricative duration, another major cue to the fortis-lenis distinction, was affected by initial lengthening, but not by assimilation. Hence, at smaller boundaries, fricatives were more devoiced (more fortis-like), but shorter (more lenis-like). As a consequence, the fortis and lenis fricatives remained acoustically distinct in all prosodic and segmental contexts. Overall, /z/ was devoiced to a greater extent than /v/. Since /z/ does not have a fortis counterpart in word-initial position, these findings suggest that phonotactic restrictions constrain phonetic processes. The present study illuminates a complex interaction of prosody, sandhi processes, and phonotactics, yielding systematic phonetic cues to prosodic structure and phonological distinctions.

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On the Complex Regulating the Voiced-Voiceless Distinction II

Cited by 72 publications

References 12 publications

6. Intraparadigmatic effects on the perception of voice

6. Intraparadigmatic effects on the perception of voice

The functionality of incomplete neutralization in Dutch: The case of the past-tense formation

Prosodic strengthening of German fricatives in duration and assimilatory devoicing

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