On nudges that fail

Abstract

The aim of this study is to respond to Cass Sunstein's question: ‘Why are some nudges ineffective, or at least less effective than choice architects hope and expect?’—particularly in view not only of the rational basis in decision-making but also of the direct influence of emotions on the behavior of those who must choose. In this study, I used findings from psychology surveys, specifically considering the influence of emotions on the fallibility of nudges in social interactions when wealth is compared. Special attention is dedicated to vanity, a combined emotion that leads to emotional choices, which arises in self-presentation and self-comparison when external signs of wealth are displayed. Imagination plays an important role in simulation to the extent that it causes failure in further nudges. In conclusion, I argue that vanity impels people to act differently, as expected of choice architects.

A Phenomenological Study of Motivation in Online Learners and Its Relationship to Self-Awareness

“…System 1). So far, emotional responses toward digital nudges have not been deeply analyzed in research (Rela, 2022). Emotions are complex psychological constructs and can occur due to individual's evaluation of internal and external stimuli (Shuman & Scherer, 2014).…”

How explicit consumer credit information affects intent to purchase on credit: an experiment

“…Other scholars have found null effects, urging consumer protection agencies not to rely on nudges alone in preventing poor credit decisions (Adams et al ., 2022). The explanation for nudges failing to produce results could be strong individual preferences towards the nudged action, causing compensating behaviour (Sunstein, 2017) or individual vanity (Rela, 2022). Likewise, information provision nudges often seem to have a tough time establishing prudent financial habits over existing behaviour (Adams et al ., 2021; Keys et al ., 2016).…”

The rhetoric of reaction redux

“…In some cases, nudges have a modest but real impact; disclosure of information (see Ellison et al, 2013), reminders, and changes in "framing" sometimes have statistically significant effects, but they are hardly massive (see Choudhary et al, 2019, p. 16;DellaVinga & Linos, 2022, p. 92). In some cases, nudges have no measurable effect at all (Elbel et al, 2009;Kristal & Whillans, 2020, p. 171;Dewies et al, 2021, p. 221;Rela, 2022). In some cases, nudges have "boomerang effects"; they produce the opposite of their intended result (see, e.g., Martineau et al, 2011, p. 264;Bolton et al, 2020, pp.…”