From skilled propagandists to self-trained lone wolf attackers to armies of foreign fighters, so-called homegrown terrorists (or Western supporters of al Qaeda and Daesh) have played important roles in each movement's promotion, development and strategy. This dissertation project uses grounded theory analysis to examine the ways that al Qaeda and Daesh (also known as ISIS, ISIL, or IS) present their respective movements to English-speakers in Western societies. Ten issues of al Qaeda's Inspire, five issues of Daesh's Dabiq and five issues of Rumiyah (Dabiq's successor publication), published between 2011-2017, are studied. The analysis suggests that al Qaeda and Daesh employ three overlapping sets of frames in these English-language magazines. These frames position themselves within broader historical trends, establish their legitimacy as actors, and establish actors and actions (defining enemies, threats, heroes and recommended activities).2 According to Middle East scholar Will McCants (2015), the term "Dawla" came to mean state because of the Abbasid Caliphate in the eight century. After the overthrow of the Ummayad Caliphate, the Abbasid Caliph proclaimed himself the Mahdi (the Muslim saviour who appears in the years leading up to the apocalypse) (p. 22, 27). This was called the "blessed revolution" dawla mubaraka, from which the empire then took its name: Dawla Abbasiyya (McCants, 2015, p. 27). According to McCants, Daesh shares quite a bit in common with the Abbasids including the symbols and colours (e.g. black flags), apocalyptic propaganda, and insurgency in Iraq and Syria. McCants claims that the Abbasids "… created a blue print for how to overthrow a Muslim Ruler, establish a Caliphate and justify both" (p. 27).3 This term is explained in a later section of this chapter.