Abstract:In this article, we explore how speakers discuss whether or not it is racist to oppose asylum seekers. A discourse analysis is conducted on the parts of a corpus of data collected from focus groups with undergraduate students talking about asylum seeking in which they were asked if it is racist to oppose asylum. It is shown that speakers use the word ‘just’ as part of a contrast structure which is used to present a topic as self-evidently unreasonable. While some participants orient to the taboo against prejud… Show more
“…This research builds on previous research by Goodman and Burke (2010;2011), who found that speakers constructed accusations of racism towards opponents of asylum as being unreasonable, and attributed their opposition to practical issues such as the economy, which demonstrates Discursive Deracialisation. The aim of this research is therefore to address how accusations of racism are made and rejected in an online setting where the language is less guarded and more extreme.…”
Section: Rationalementioning
confidence: 99%
“…People who oppose asylum seeking often justify their opposition in terms of economic or cultural factors (Lynn and Lea, 2003;Every and Augoustinos, 2007;Capdevila and Callaghan, 2008;Goodman and Burke, 2010;2011) which is a way of disclaiming (Billig et al, 1988) prejudice. Speakers ensure that opposition to asylum is attributed to reasons other than race, which makes the speaker appear to be reasonable.…”
Section: Discursive Psychology and Prejudicementioning
confidence: 99%
“…Opposition to asylum seekers in the UK is part of a wide concern about issues such as an increase in racial diversity and cultural change in the UK (Lewis, 2005). These concerns have lead to a contentious and ongoing debate about whether or not opposition to asylum is racist (Lewis 2005;Goodman and Burke 2010). As the asylum debate is so prominent (e.g.…”
In this article, we explore how talk about Nazis is used in Internet discussions regarding asylum seeking, and the issue of whether or not opposition to asylum seeking is racist. Discursive analysis was conducted on discussions about asylum seeking from the social networking website Facebook, where references to Nazis were made. Three strategies were identified: (1) people supporting asylum seeking accuse asylum opponents of being racist by referring to Nazis; (2) opponents of asylum seeking deal with such accusations by arguing that the debate is being suppressed because of references to Nazis; (3) in the final, and most striking, strategy, opponents of asylum draw upon ideas associated with the Nazis and Hitler to bring about their anti-asylum position. These findings are discussed in relation to how the link between Nazis and racism is emerging in the asylum debate.
“…This research builds on previous research by Goodman and Burke (2010;2011), who found that speakers constructed accusations of racism towards opponents of asylum as being unreasonable, and attributed their opposition to practical issues such as the economy, which demonstrates Discursive Deracialisation. The aim of this research is therefore to address how accusations of racism are made and rejected in an online setting where the language is less guarded and more extreme.…”
Section: Rationalementioning
confidence: 99%
“…People who oppose asylum seeking often justify their opposition in terms of economic or cultural factors (Lynn and Lea, 2003;Every and Augoustinos, 2007;Capdevila and Callaghan, 2008;Goodman and Burke, 2010;2011) which is a way of disclaiming (Billig et al, 1988) prejudice. Speakers ensure that opposition to asylum is attributed to reasons other than race, which makes the speaker appear to be reasonable.…”
Section: Discursive Psychology and Prejudicementioning
confidence: 99%
“…Opposition to asylum seekers in the UK is part of a wide concern about issues such as an increase in racial diversity and cultural change in the UK (Lewis, 2005). These concerns have lead to a contentious and ongoing debate about whether or not opposition to asylum is racist (Lewis 2005;Goodman and Burke 2010). As the asylum debate is so prominent (e.g.…”
In this article, we explore how talk about Nazis is used in Internet discussions regarding asylum seeking, and the issue of whether or not opposition to asylum seeking is racist. Discursive analysis was conducted on discussions about asylum seeking from the social networking website Facebook, where references to Nazis were made. Three strategies were identified: (1) people supporting asylum seeking accuse asylum opponents of being racist by referring to Nazis; (2) opponents of asylum seeking deal with such accusations by arguing that the debate is being suppressed because of references to Nazis; (3) in the final, and most striking, strategy, opponents of asylum draw upon ideas associated with the Nazis and Hitler to bring about their anti-asylum position. These findings are discussed in relation to how the link between Nazis and racism is emerging in the asylum debate.
“…Research based on focus group data has thus been able to add a more strongly interactional focus to the examination of themes similar to those discussed above, including new racisms and the denial of racism (see, e.g., Augoustinos, Tuffin, & Every, 2005;Goodman & Burke, 2010). Particularly noteworthy in this regard are Condor's (2006) analysis of how participants interactionally collaborate in the production of subtly racist talk, and the extension of previous analyses of denials of racism to consider not just how denials can be produced by a speaker on his/her own behalf, but also how other speakers may deny racism on behalf of others, and may collaboratively suppress potentially racist utterances (Condor, Figgou, Abell, Gibson, & Stevenson, 2006).…”
Section: Focus Groups and Group Discussionmentioning
SummaryIn the wake of what has been called the "discursive turn" or "linguistic turn" in the social sciences, research at the intersection of language and communication and race and racism shifted from being largely dominated by quantitative and experimental methods to include qualitative and particularly discursive approaches. While the term "discursive" potentially encompasses a wide range of modes of discourse analysis, discursive approaches share in common a focus on language use as social action, and as a constitutive feature of actions, events and situations, rather than as merely a passive means of describing or transmitting information about them.When applied to the study of race and racism, such approaches have examined ways in which language functions to construct, maintain and legitimate as well as subvert or resist racial and/or racist ideologies and social structures.Research in these areas has made use of a range of empirical materials, including "elite" texts and talk (media texts, parliamentary debates, academic texts, etc.), individual interviews, focus groups and group discussions, "naturally occurring" talk-in-interaction from conversational and institutional settings, and text-based online interactions. Although these different data types should not be seen as strictly mutually exclusive, each of them serves to foreground particular features of racial or racist discourse(s), thus facilitating or constraining particular sorts of discourse analytic findings. Thus, different data sources respectively tend to foreground ideological features of racial discourse(s) and their intersection with power and domination, 2 including examination of "new" racisms and the production and management of accusations and denials of racism; discursive processes involved in the construction and uses of racial subjectivities and identities; interactional processes through which prejudice and racism are constructed and contested; and the everyday interactional reproduction of systems of racial categories, independently of whether the talk in which they occur can or should be considered "racist".
“…First, it highlights the notion of race, which is a potentially problematic area for the BNP to be publically discussing. Second, it also brings about the possibility of Griffin having to deal with all the problems associated with someone who makes accusations of racism (Goodman, 2010;Goodman and Burke, 2010) in addition to those associated with being accused of being a racist (e.g. Edwards 2003).…”
This paper addresses the talk of the leader of the British National Party leader, Nick Griffin, when he spoke on the BBC following a surge in electoral success for the party. Inclusion in these programmes demonstrated political progress for the BNP, yet ironically facilitated breadth of criticism for the party, as his appearances were met with widespread hostility and accusations of extremism. Reactive rhetoric to these criticisms is central to Griffin rebranding the party and becoming part of mainstream UK politics. Discourse analysis is used to explore how Griffin responds to such criticism during two radio programmes and one television programme between 2009and 2010. The analysis shows how Griffin uses two interconnected strategies of (1) presenting British people as the victims, rather than the perpetrators, of racism, and (2) blaming this racism not on outside groups, but on an ill-defined 'ruling elite'.These strategies are not independent of one another and function in response to criticism to present Griffin and the BNP as not racist aggressors but respondents to anti-white racism. The implications of this strategy for the presentation and attempted rebranding of the BNP, alongside other far right and mainstream parties, are discussed.
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