“…We do not mean to imply that contemporary segregation research is invariably carried out with D alone. In fact, there is a small industry of research based on the premise that marginal effects should be purged from the data, with the point of departure typically being some type of modified or corrected version of D. We are referring, for example, to the well-known proposal of Blau and Hendricks (1979) to decompose changes in D into components attributable to occupational restructuring and residual "shifts in sex composition" (p. 199;see also Fuchs 1975;England 1981;Hand1 1984;Beller 1984;Bianchi and Rytina 1986). In more recent work, Abrahamson and Sigelman (1987) sought to purge D of marginal dependence by regressing it on the "structural propensity toward occupational segregation" (p. 591), while Bridges (1982) proposed to adjust D "based on a comparison of the observed level of occupational segregation with that expected given the occupational mix" (p. 278).…”
Section: Occupational Compositionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…If sex segregation is defined to be whatever D or D,measure, then of course such arguments hold in a nominal sense. We would suggest, however, that many researchers have adopted an implicit conceptualization of segregation that is distinct from these common operationalizations (e.g., Williams 1979;Blau and Hendricks 1979;England 1981;Bridges 1982;Hand1 1984;Beller 1984;Bianchi and Rytina 1986;Abrahamson and Sigelman 1987;Jacobs 1989a, 19893;Jacobs and Lim 1992;Presser and Kishor 1991;Brinton andNgo 1991, 1993). Indeed, in treating column effects as the fundamental parameters of sex segregation, we have merely operationalized the long-standing assumption that such parameters are properly independent of both the occupational structure and the rate of female labor force participation.…”
This article introduces a structural approach to analyzing sex segregation data that rests on margin-free measures of the underlying association in sex-by-occupation arrays. The starting point for the analyses is a log-multiplicative model that is formally consistent with the conventional practice of summarizing cross-national variability in a single parameter pertaining to the overall strength of sex segregation. Under this baseline specification, the segregation regime is forced to take on the same basic shape in each country, with the only form of permissible variability being a uniform compression or expansion of the peaks and valleys characterizing the shared segregation profile. Although the latter model does not account for the cross-national variability in our illustrative data, it can be readily generalized in ways that both improve the fit and yield new insights into the structure and sources of sex segregation. These elaborated models can be used to examine the hierarchical structure of segregation, to identify the dominant "segregation profiles" in industrial countries, and to parse out the net residue of segregation at multiple levels of analysis.The study of occupational sex segregation appears to be entering its takeoff period. This can be seen, for example, in the recent resurgence of interest in describing how the structure of sex segregation varies across Earlier versions of this paper were presented to the American
“…We do not mean to imply that contemporary segregation research is invariably carried out with D alone. In fact, there is a small industry of research based on the premise that marginal effects should be purged from the data, with the point of departure typically being some type of modified or corrected version of D. We are referring, for example, to the well-known proposal of Blau and Hendricks (1979) to decompose changes in D into components attributable to occupational restructuring and residual "shifts in sex composition" (p. 199;see also Fuchs 1975;England 1981;Hand1 1984;Beller 1984;Bianchi and Rytina 1986). In more recent work, Abrahamson and Sigelman (1987) sought to purge D of marginal dependence by regressing it on the "structural propensity toward occupational segregation" (p. 591), while Bridges (1982) proposed to adjust D "based on a comparison of the observed level of occupational segregation with that expected given the occupational mix" (p. 278).…”
Section: Occupational Compositionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…If sex segregation is defined to be whatever D or D,measure, then of course such arguments hold in a nominal sense. We would suggest, however, that many researchers have adopted an implicit conceptualization of segregation that is distinct from these common operationalizations (e.g., Williams 1979;Blau and Hendricks 1979;England 1981;Bridges 1982;Hand1 1984;Beller 1984;Bianchi and Rytina 1986;Abrahamson and Sigelman 1987;Jacobs 1989a, 19893;Jacobs and Lim 1992;Presser and Kishor 1991;Brinton andNgo 1991, 1993). Indeed, in treating column effects as the fundamental parameters of sex segregation, we have merely operationalized the long-standing assumption that such parameters are properly independent of both the occupational structure and the rate of female labor force participation.…”
This article introduces a structural approach to analyzing sex segregation data that rests on margin-free measures of the underlying association in sex-by-occupation arrays. The starting point for the analyses is a log-multiplicative model that is formally consistent with the conventional practice of summarizing cross-national variability in a single parameter pertaining to the overall strength of sex segregation. Under this baseline specification, the segregation regime is forced to take on the same basic shape in each country, with the only form of permissible variability being a uniform compression or expansion of the peaks and valleys characterizing the shared segregation profile. Although the latter model does not account for the cross-national variability in our illustrative data, it can be readily generalized in ways that both improve the fit and yield new insights into the structure and sources of sex segregation. These elaborated models can be used to examine the hierarchical structure of segregation, to identify the dominant "segregation profiles" in industrial countries, and to parse out the net residue of segregation at multiple levels of analysis.The study of occupational sex segregation appears to be entering its takeoff period. This can be seen, for example, in the recent resurgence of interest in describing how the structure of sex segregation varies across Earlier versions of this paper were presented to the American
“…3 The probability of women working in nontraditional occupations increases with the number of children they have, according to Beller (1982). 4 Rosenfeld (1983) finds that being married does not affect the "sex-typicality" of women's job moves.…”
Section: Breaking Into Male-dominated Workmentioning
“…Or will they ever be able to achieve such positions to develop theories and approaches which clearly, what some might say "not the done thing"! Dramatic reductions in sex segregation occurred in the 1970's, as women began to such what has already been demonstrated a male dominated occupations in management (Resking & Roo's, 1990, Jacobs 1989Beller, 1984). Although declines continued in the 1980's and 1990's, the pace of decline did become slower and slower (Padavic & reskin, 2002;Bianchi,1995;Cotler et al, 1995;Jacobs, 1989).…”
Section: Feminist Theory Has This Helped To Develop Management Approamentioning
Many scholars have attempted to apply various theories in the field of sport (Bordieu, 1984 & Brainer 2007. This particular area looks at the relationship between Marxism to the sociology of sport and how it has influenced societal structures as well as the impact it has had on the economy. Though these theories are useful on exploring the general nature of sport, questions may be raised on have they influenced the way sports is managed today also? It is widely accepted that management theories have been influenced by industry and that many scholars have used Marxism and feminist approaches to form some sort of construct of this. However does one or two apply to all? And are they appropriate to areas such as the service industry that sport falls in too? This paper attempts to look at how Marxism may have had some influence on sports management through capitalists, masculinity and power and the weld it has had on females developing in such a field because of its deeply held roots. And more importantly possibly oppressed feminism in this field. There are also arguments made because of such oppression by the male domination that they have used sports as a vehicle to segregate society and influence the direction of sports management.Therefore the discussion in its true entirety at most is a snapshot of how one theory dominates the area of sports management and how it impinges on others both on their application and development.
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