2013
DOI: 10.1075/slcs.140.12hol
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Obliqueness, quasi-subjects and transitivity in Baltic and Slavonic

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Cited by 31 publications
(10 citation statements)
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“…If we recognize the debitive mood as part of the morphological paradigm of the verb form, then, syntactically, sentences in the indicative mood and the debitive mood belong to one and the same sentence pattern. In the oblique forms of this syntactic paradigm, all the arguments maintain their original functions (for discussion of differential or non-canonical subject marking in Latvian see Fennells 1995;Holvoet 2013;Holvoet & Grzybowska 2014;Holvoet & Nau 2014a;Seržant 2013).…”
Section: Semantic Groupsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…If we recognize the debitive mood as part of the morphological paradigm of the verb form, then, syntactically, sentences in the indicative mood and the debitive mood belong to one and the same sentence pattern. In the oblique forms of this syntactic paradigm, all the arguments maintain their original functions (for discussion of differential or non-canonical subject marking in Latvian see Fennells 1995;Holvoet 2013;Holvoet & Grzybowska 2014;Holvoet & Nau 2014a;Seržant 2013).…”
Section: Semantic Groupsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The action expressed by the participle always has an agent therefore the participle linking regularities (in addition to other tests, for instance, the reflexive pronoun test) are often used in determining the grammatical subject, especially in the case of the non-canonical subjects (among others, Svenonius 2001;Sigurðsson 2004;Holvoet 2013). https://doi.org/10.22364/vnf.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…While the reciprocal pronoun in the debitive in (40) clearly favors dat-nom, the same reciprocal pronoun favors nom-dat with the lexical verb 'to like'. There is independent evidence that that the lexical dat-nom verbs do not provide good evidence for their dat argument being the subject and their nom argument being the object (Holvoet 2009(Holvoet , 2013Seržant 2013b). I interpret this discrepancy between the lexical dat-nom and the "grammatical/derivational" debitive dat-nom as evidence for the differences in the assignment of syntactic roles (cf.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Now, how should the relation between subjecthood and the nominative case be coherently described for Baltic? In recent research it has been argued that, in Baltic, in contrast to, for example, Icelandic, only nominative arguments behave syntactically as subjects for the simple reason that only these arguments pass unequivocal syntactic subjecthood tests for this language (Holvoet 2013, see also Seržant 2013b). Tests as the following ones are available: the respective NP i. is obligatorily replaced with zero (PRO) in infinitival embedded clauses on referential identity with the subject of the matrix verb; ii.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%