Nutrition, Crowding, and Disease Among Low‐income Households in Tokyo in 1930

Ogasawara, Kota; Gazeley, Ian; Schneider, Eric B.

doi:10.1111/aehr.12189

Cited by 3 publications

(3 citation statements)

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“…Custom also played a role, even at the level of individual families. Muslim Hui households in Songpan, located in the mountainous far west of Sichuan, ate meat as 11 percent of their diet, significantly more than the 7.3 percent consumed by their Han neighbors (Ogasawara et al 2016; Zheng et al 1935; Zheng and Gu 1940; Zhu 1934). More individuated family circumstances, such as the illness, death, or malfeasance of a parent, are of course beyond the ability of our data to reveal but would have played a decisive role in the actual lived experience of any household.…”

Section: Source 3: Nutrition Surveys 1920s–1940smentioning

confidence: 99%

“…An average of the 1922 data is roughly 22 g of animal protein per "adult day" or about the size of one piece of uncooked bacon. This was far more than the amount consumed by contemporary poor Japanese households (Ogasawara et al 2016), and about a quarter of that (88.12 g) consumed by skilled British workers at the height of the Great War (which exceeded that in peacetime, Gazeley and Newell, 2013). The range of figures from subsequent surveys is considerable: Workers in Changsha reportedly ate no meat at all, while meat consumption was high in urban Shanghai.…”

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confidence: 92%

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Counting the carnivores: Who ate meat in Republican-Era China?

DuBois

2022

Soc. sci. hist.

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It is commonly asserted that Chinese diets before the market and production reforms of the 1980s contained little or no meat. Yet this nearly universal assumption remains untested: Unlike other forms of material consumption, the question of meat in Chinese diets has received almost no systematic attention from historians. Focusing on the early twentieth century, this article examines who in China ate meat, and how meat consumption was shaped by regional and household patterns. It combines insights from three sorts of data. First, Japanese price surveys from the 1920s show a high degree of variation in the preference for one type of meat over others, and the price availability of meat versus wages or other food products. Second, production data, including slaughterhouse tallies and industry estimates of animal by-products show the seasonality of animal slaughter and the vast scale and dispersed geography of China’s livestock production. Finally, nutrition and diet studies from the 1920 to the late 1940s examine actual household consumption, emphasizing how social forces and cyclical fortunes shaped individual choices. The composite picture from these three perspectives confirms that China’s meat consumption was hardly inconsequential. But more than simply triangulating a result, the exercise of comparing perspectives of price, production, and nutrition also highlights the collection of survey data as a series of historical moments.

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Section: Source 3: Nutrition Surveys 1920s–1940smentioning

confidence: 99%

mentioning

confidence: 92%

Counting the carnivores: Who ate meat in Republican-Era China?

DuBois

2022

Soc. sci. hist.

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“…Further themes emerging from Saito's work, the importance of basic nutrition to standards of living and the interrelationship of disease and nutrition, are explored by Kota Ogasawara et al . () using a rich 1930 survey of Tokyo households. These authors estimate that daily calorie intake for the working‐class was more than sufficient for the physical needs of workers within these households but, contrary to expectation, there does not appear to be a relationship between the level of nutrition and disease morbidity.…”

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confidence: 99%