Is Women's Labour Force Participation a Demographic Issue?Definitions of most fields are episodically contested ground, and demography is no exception. If we apply McNicoll's (1992) notion that there are two main schools of demography to the issue of women's labour force participation, we arrive at two divergent answers. The 'accounting' demographers seek to define 'demography' as the quantitative description of aggregate (usually national-level) patterns and trends in birth, death and migration; they typically resist the idea that labour force participation is a demographic topic. The second main school of thought on demography, the 'life-course' school, concurs with the 'accounting' tradition about the value of a systematic approach (but with a warmer attitude towards qualitative work as a first step in development of new quantitative measures) and concurs in the central relevance of fertility, mortality and migration. But the 'life-course' school differs from the 'accounting' school in four key ways: (1) in its stronger emphasis on going beyond description to exploration of causes and consequences, (2) in its emphasis on the life course as an organizing process of demographic events, (3) in seizing upon the individual-level data sets that came available in the 1970s and letting analysis of those data lead to new questions designed into a generation of 'purpose-built' individual-level sample surveys in the 1980s and 1990s, and (4) in its embrace of multivariate statistical methods.The strong connection between fertility and women's labour force participation commends labour force participation to the attention of lifecourse demographers, a view emphasized, perhaps over-optimistically, in the recent Cairo Conference on Population and Development (Hayes 1995;Mclntosh and Finkle 1995). Similarly, the complex of changes in family life that has characterized Australia as well as most of the rest of the industrialized 67 world in the past several decades --an emerging pattern of pre-marital sexual intercourse; late marriage for most with substantial numbers of co-habitors and of life-long bachelors and spinsters; very low fertility inside marriage with a very substantial portion of fertility occurring outside marriage; and very high levels of divorce (for example, van de Kaa 1987;Hoem and Hoem 1988;Kiernan 1989;Bracher and Santow 1990;Leridon 1990;Santow 1990;Goldscheider and Waite 1991;Blossfeld 1994;Kravdal 1994;Carmichael 1995) --is sometimes attributed to women's labour market opportunities and the growing economic independence they bring (Preston and Richards 1975), but the evidence is mixed, as will be seen below.My purpose in this review is to sketch recent discoveries concerning women's labour force participation, and to draw attention to unanswered questions and to relevant data sets for further analysis. The range of studies in the social sciences relevant to women's labour force participation is potentially infinite, so my review is necessarily selective. In particular, I focus on Australia in the context ...