2015
DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.2587276
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Nuclear Power and the Mob: Extortion and Social Capital in Japan

Abstract: Nuclear reactors entail massive non-transferrable site-specific investments. The resulting appropriable quasi-rents offer the mob the ideal target. In exchange for large fees, it can either promise to "protect" the utility (and silence the reactor's local opponents) or "extort" from it (and desist from inciting local opponents). Using municipality-level (1742 cities, towns, villages) and prefecture-level (47) Japanese panel data covering the years from 1980 to 2010, I find exactly this phenomenon: when a utili… Show more

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Cited by 4 publications
(5 citation statements)
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“…Meanwhile, for bonding social capital, I test the crime rate of a municipality. When neighbors share social ties, they more frequently intervene in violence and enforce social norms against crime (Akcomak and Weel, ; Ramseyer, ). For linking social capital, I test the percentage of votes for the Liberal Democratic Party in the 2012 Upper House election (courtesy of Reed and Smith's electoral database, ).…”
Section: Methodsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Meanwhile, for bonding social capital, I test the crime rate of a municipality. When neighbors share social ties, they more frequently intervene in violence and enforce social norms against crime (Akcomak and Weel, ; Ramseyer, ). For linking social capital, I test the percentage of votes for the Liberal Democratic Party in the 2012 Upper House election (courtesy of Reed and Smith's electoral database, ).…”
Section: Methodsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In Japan, the author is unaware of other past indices available for every municipality; previous measurements of social capital have often been by single proxy (Aldrich 2011;Ramseyer 2015;Fraser 2019) or in-depth surveys of specific neighborhoods (Hikichi et al 2020, for example). While the US has several alternative social capital datasets (United States Joint Economic Committee's Social Capital Index 2018;Rupasinga et al 2006 indices are the first main measure of social capital closely engaged with the literature that are available in Japan.…”
Section: Past Indicesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…However, energy policy was not purely the result of national decisions. Observers have theorized that bottom‐up participation and social networks shape Japanese policymaking more than previously stated (Dreiling, Lougee, & Nakamura, 2017; Kage, 2011; Ramseyer, 2015; Tsujinaka & Pekkanen, 2007). In fact, the state was wary of overusing eminent domain to site these controversial facilities in opposed communities, given the contentious antinuclear protests of the late 20th century and successful citizens' referenda against the siting of nuclear power plants in places like Maki‐machi, Niigata.…”
Section: Nuclear Power Before Fukushimamentioning
confidence: 99%