Norway: Populism From Anti-Tax Movement to Government Party

Jupskås, Anders Ravik; Ivarsflaten, Elisabeth; Kalsnes, Bente; Aalberg, Toril

doi:10.4324/9781315623016-12

Cited by 4 publications

(4 citation statements)

References 16 publications

(23 reference statements)

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“…Statistically, Romania—which overthrew its communist regime in December 1989—is the most religious country of the European Union (EU) with 89.9% Orthodox Christians and 1% non-believers [ 3 , 4 ]. If at the institutional level of the EU, the border, which followed the limits of the national territory of the Romanian State, had to quickly submit to the technical requirements of adapting to the new configuration, the sociocultural symbolic borders are still the site of a very fruitful unfinished socio-political reorganization, a reorganization which draws on the traditional cultural background of Orthodox Christianity focusing on national identity [ 5 , 6 ] and the old programming ideology of the new power inclined to transmute communism into populism in favor of a political opportunism now perceived by the population as a process of democratization [ 2 , 7 , 8 ]. The emerging media and especially social media, with Facebook as a priority, are a prolific communicational embodiment of the return to borders, of the nationalism of Orthodox Christian origin and of post-communist populism.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

COVID-19 Pandemic Lockdown and Religious Mediatization of Social Sustainability. A Case Study of Romania

Tudor

Benea

Bratosin

2021

IJERPH

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This article presents an empirical study on the institutional audiovisual mediatization of social sustainability made by the eighteen religious denominations officially recognized in Romania during the period of the COVID-19 pandemic onset. Research is undertaken based on the mediatization theories. Specifically, it highlights and discusses the conditions for producing the meaning of social sustainability as a result of religious mediatization during the months of March, April and May 2020, a period with strong religious connotations since it involved the dates of the major annual feasts celebrated by the three majority monotheistic religions, i.e., the Christian Easter, the Muslim Ramadan and the Jewish Passover. As a result, we noticed that the production of meaning in terms of social sustainability was simultaneously anchored in the accumulation of four contextual “social worlds”: (a) that of social transformation induced by mediatization, (b) that of the COVID-19 pandemic, a crisis that is neither social, economic, or environmental, but with consequences on the three levels of reality mentioned above, (c) that of spirituality during the time of the great monotheistic religious feasts and (d) that of the national culture of Romania, statistically the most religious country of the European Union.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

COVID-19 Pandemic Lockdown and Religious Mediatization of Social Sustainability. A Case Study of Romania

Tudor

Benea

Bratosin

2021

IJERPH

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“…Whereas the United States is marked by increasing hostility across party lines (Iyengar et al, 2012), and according to Putnam (2000), with a decline in social capital, the Nordic countries enjoy comparatively high levels of social capital and political trust (Fukuyama, 2014), and are characterized by high socio-cultural homogeneity. Norway has traditions of cross-party compromise and consensus-oriented politics (Knutsen, 2017), and also has a comparatively non-aggressive branch of right-wing populism integrated in the party system (Jupskås et al, 2017). On the contrary, the United States stands in a position of power with regard to Norway, wielding cultural influence, close political ties (e.g.…”

Section: The Case Of Norway Methods and Datamentioning

confidence: 99%

Between ritual and information: Three phases of Norwegian news audiences’ sense-making of the election of Donald Trump

2019

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This article investigates sense-making processes of news audiences when faced with destabilizing global events. The destabilizing event is Trump’s 2016 election win, which we study from the perspective of audiences far removed: in the Nordic region. Asking how we can understand shifts in the balance between the informational and ritual aspects of news over time, we study how journalism matters when ordinary practices are suddenly uprooted, and in the gradual return to everyday life. Based on the analysis of extensive qualitative material, we formulate three successive phases of Norwegian news audiences’ reactions to the election: annoying circus far away, world-shattering shock and regained stability. We underline not only shared experiences but also nuances which we link to differences in media use routines, levels of interests in news as well as resources for the sense-making of politics. Our findings contribute to the scrutiny of news use in everyday life and at times of political upheaval, and add an audience perspective to research on Trump and the media.

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“…More generally, populists call into question the governing "establishment" and the norm of contributing to public discussions in a restrained and politically appropriate fashion. So far, research has analyzed populist party leaders' behavior (van der Brug & Mughan, 2007;McDonnell, 2016), party manifestos (March, 2017;Pauwels, 2011;Rooduijn & Pauwels, 2011), and communication strategies (Aalberg, 2017;Jagers & Walgrave, 2007). In light of growing public support for populist parties in Europe and beyond, research has furthermore highlighted the role of sociodemographic factors (Oesch, 2008) as well as political and populist attitudes in populist voting (Akkerman et al, 2017;Andreadis & Stavrakakis, 2017;Loew & Faas, 2019;Rama & Santana, 2020;Rooduijn, 2018;Wuttke et al, 2020).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Values, Taboos, and Votes: How Basic Human Values Affect Populist Electoral Support

Ozdemir

Jacob

2022

Swiss Political Sci Review

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How do individuals' underlying value orientations affect populist voting? Building on the congruency model in social psychology, we theorize that voters holding nonconformist values feel closest to political actors who employ a taboo-breaking populist style in the political debate. Moreover, we hypothesize that security and universalism values feed into vote choices between right-wing and left-wing parties. Leveraging structural equation modeling (SEM) and data from the 2017 German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES), we find that non-conformist values predict voting for the populist far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD), but not for the left-wing populist The Left. Further, security and universalism values are associated with a higher probability of voting for not only populist but also mainstream parties. These findings point to the underlying role of basic human values in electoral support for populist parties and political behavior in general. Zusammenfassung Wie beeinfussen grundlegende individuelle Wertorientierungen das Wählen populistischer Parteien? Aufbauend auf dem sozialpsychologischen Kongruenzmodell argumentieren wir, dass sich Wähler*innen mit nonkonformistischen Wertorientierungen politischen Akteuren am nähesten fühlen, die sich durch einen tabubrechenden politischen Stil in der öffentlichen Debatte auszeichnen. Darüber hinaus nehmen

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Norway: Populism From Anti-Tax Movement to Government Party

Cited by 4 publications

References 16 publications

COVID-19 Pandemic Lockdown and Religious Mediatization of Social Sustainability. A Case Study of Romania

COVID-19 Pandemic Lockdown and Religious Mediatization of Social Sustainability. A Case Study of Romania

Between ritual and information: Three phases of Norwegian news audiences’ sense-making of the election of Donald Trump

Values, Taboos, and Votes: How Basic Human Values Affect Populist Electoral Support

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