Nordic Earner–Carer Models – Why Stability and Instability?

Abstract

Earner-carer policy models aiming at the engagement of mothers and fathers in both paid and unpaid work are a hallmark of the Nordic welfare states. But they have not become uncontested policy equilibriums. Examining family policy development through the theoretical lenses of party competition and incremental change helps uncover underlying tensions and ongoing struggles. In contrast to convergence and stability in regard to moderately long parental leave at high replacement rates and in the provision of universal publicly-funded childcare services, daddy quotas, i.e., earmarked leave for fathers, and cash-for-care benefits are contested and in flux. Policy stability is associated with layering of policy elements that satisfy multiple policy rationales, elements that are also vital in working parents' organisation of everyday life. By contrast, the main source of instability, including policy displacement, is party competition over values of 'equal parenthood' versus 'parental choice', largely following a left-right divide.

Trends in parental leave in the Nordic countries: has the forward march of gender equality halted?

“…Generally speaking the political drive for gender equality in the Nordic countries has been spearheaded by political parties to the left on the political spectrum (Huber & Stephens, 2000), but policies aimed at gender equality have enjoyed widespread political support though practised and institutionalised differently in different countries (Bergqvist et al, 1999). Ellingsaeter (2014) has pointed out that a father's quota is well in line with both the social democratic agenda and the emphasis of liberals on individual rights, while it contrasts with the traditional conservative agenda. The role of political parties needs more studies and much work remains to be done regarding the role of institutions, values and other social actors, in particular the social partners and women's movements (e.g.…”

“…the political positions that parties take regarding the father's quota -are quite different among the countries (Brandth & Kvande, 2009;Cedstrand, 2011;Ellingsaeter, 2012aEllingsaeter, , 2012bEllingsaeter, , 2014Eydal & Rostgaard, 2011). Policies that encourage the dual earner/dual carer model can be seen as part of the Social Democratic welfare state, in contrast to policies that encourage gendered division of labour in line with 'traditional' or conservative family policies (Brandth & Kvande, 2005;Ellingsaeter, 2011;Ellingsaeter & Leira, 2006;Leira, 2006).…”

Parental Regulation of Infant Sleep: Round-the-Clock Efforts for Social Synchronization

“…Family policy in Norway includes the provision of reasonably priced daycare places of high quality. After taking parental leave, most parents organize their everyday lives in the following manner: Both parents return to work outside the home (although this is part‐time for many of the mothers), and children start at a daycare facility during the second or third year (Ellingsæter, ). This was reflected in the interviews by the observation that all of the children in the second round of interviews had started attending daycare, even in the families where the mother was on leave with a new baby.…”

Social Policy Change: Work–family Tensions in Sweden, Australia and Canada

“…; Collier ). Today, parties of the left are in a weaker position, even in the Nordic countries (Ellingsaeter ) and neo‐liberal ideas have influenced social democratic ideology, as reflected in the opening to greater ‘choice’. At the same time, the electoral calculus for parties of the centre‐right has shifted as the adult earner family becomes the norm, generating demand from the electorate for supportive policies (Fleckenstein and Lee ; Ferragini and Seeleib‐Kaiser ).…”