Non-Hispanics with Latin American ancestry: Assimilation, race, and identity among Latin American descendants in the US

Emeka, Amon; Vallejo, Jody Agius

doi:10.1016/j.ssresearch.2011.06.002

Cited by 37 publications

(31 citation statements)

References 25 publications

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“…Our argument represents a variant of recent theories of racialized assimilation or racialized incorporation (Chaudhary 2015, Emeka & Vallejo 2011, Golash-Boza 2006, Vasquez 2011). Although most studies using this framework focus on the experiences of Latino(a) Americans and on the influence of discrimination on ethnic identity, what is important for our purposes here is that these theories view racial status as fundamental to the process of immigrant adaptation.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 88%

Racialized Assimilation of Asian Americans

2016

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Because of the generally high socioeconomic attainments and high intermarriage rates of Asian Americans, it has been suggested that Asian American are reaching parity with whites and are assimilating to mainstream American society. However, other research shows the continued significance of race for Asian Americans regardless of their socioeconomic status and levels of acculturation. This article provides a review of recent research on socioeconomic attainment and intermarriage among Asian Americans as well as an overview of research on less studied but increasingly important indicators: residential outcomes, political participation, and mental health. We argue that Asian Americans are indeed assimilating but in ways that differ from their European predecessors. In this process, racial/ethnic boundaries between Asians and whites may be solidified rather than dissolved, thus maintaining the significance of race for Asian Americans. We suggest that a racialized assimilation framework may best characterize the experiences of contemporary Asian Americans. 11.1

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 88%

Racialized Assimilation of Asian Americans

2016

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“…For example, 2 to 3 percent of people who reported white, black, or Asian in Census 2000 gave a different response in the Census Quality Survey (CQS; Bentley et al 2003:28). Although these groups have high levels of response stability, some people who report these groups have mixed racial heritage (Bratter 2007; Liebler 2016) or mixed Hispanic and non-Hispanic heritage (Emeka and Agius Vallejo 2011; Miyawaki 2016). Because these are large groups, even if a small proportion of people changed responses, the number of changes would be substantial.…”

Section: Prior Researchmentioning

confidence: 99%

America’s Churning Races: Race and Ethnicity Response Changes Between Census 2000 and the 2010 Census

et al. 2017

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Race and ethnicity responses can change over time and across contexts – a component of population change not usually considered in studies that use race and ethnicity as variables. To facilitate incorporation of this aspect of population change, we show patterns and directions of individual-level race and Hispanic response change throughout the U.S. and among all federally recognized race/ethnic groups. We use internal Census Bureau data from the 2000 and 2010 censuses in which responses have been linked at the individual level (N = 162 million). About 9.8 million people (6.1 percent) in our data have a different race and/or Hispanic origin response in 2010 than they did in 2000. Race response change was especially common among those reported as American Indian, Alaska Native, Native Hawaiian, Other Pacific Islander, in a multiple-race response group, or Hispanic. People reported as non-Hispanic white, black, or Asian in 2000 usually had the same response in 2010 (3%, 6% and 9% of responses changed, respectively). Hispanic/non-Hispanic ethnicity responses were also usually consistent (13% and 1% changed). There were a variety of response change patterns, which we detail. In many race/Hispanic response groups, there is population churn in the form of large countervailing flows of response changes that are hidden in cross-sectional data. We find that response changes happen across ages, sexes, regions, and response modes, with interesting variation across race/ethnic categories. Researchers should think through and discuss the implications of race and Hispanic origin response change when designing analyses and interpreting results.

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“…Other indicators of assimilation, such as intermarriage or racial/ethnic identification, can be examined to extend and to connect socioeconomic mobility with social integration and identity. For example, Emeka and Vallejo (2011) as well as Duncan and Trejo (2011) have documented that U.S.-born persons of Mexican descent with the highest socioeconomic prospects are less likely to identify themselves or their children as ethnically Hispanic than are Mexican immigrants. Future research can examine whether this issue of "ethnic attrition" for those with the highest SES exists for groups other than Mexican Americans.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Feminized Intergenerational Mobility Without Assimilation? Post-1965 U.S. Immigrants and the Gender Revolution

2015

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Women in the United States have made significant socioeconomic advances over the last generation. The second generation of post-1965 immigrants came of age during this "gender revolution." However, assimilation theories focus mainly on racial/ethnic trajectories. Do gendered trajectories between and within groups better capture mobility patterns? Using the 1980 decennial census and the 2003-2007 Current Population Survey (CPS), we observe the socioeconomic status of Latino and Asian immigrant parents and their second-generation children 25 years later. We compare the educational, occupational, and earnings attainment of second-generation daughters and sons with that of their immigrant mothers and fathers. We simultaneously compare those socioeconomic trajectories with a U.S.-born white, non-Latino reference group. We find that second-generation women experience greater status attainment than both their mothers and their male counterparts, but the earnings of second-generation women lag behind those of men. However, because white mainstream women experienced similar intergenerational mobility, many gaps between the second generation and the mainstream remain. These patterns remain even after we control for parenthood status. With feminized intergenerational mobility occurring similarly across race, the racial/ethnic gaps observed in 1980 narrow but persist into the next generation for many outcomes. Both gender and race shape mobility trajectories, so ignoring either leads to an incomplete picture of assimilation.

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Non-Hispanics with Latin American ancestry: Assimilation, race, and identity among Latin American descendants in the US

Cited by 37 publications

References 25 publications

Racialized Assimilation of Asian Americans

Racialized Assimilation of Asian Americans

America’s Churning Races: Race and Ethnicity Response Changes Between Census 2000 and the 2010 Census

Feminized Intergenerational Mobility Without Assimilation? Post-1965 U.S. Immigrants and the Gender Revolution

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