Non-canonical Agent Marking in Agul

Ganenkov, Dmitry; Maisak, Timur; Merdanova, Solmaz R.

doi:10.1007/978-1-4020-6497-5_8

Cited by 73 publications

(15 citation statements)

References 6 publications

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“…The paper proceeds along this argumentation as follows. In section 2, I show that Hungarian dative causers can be three-way ambiguous in exactly the same way as has been reported by Schäfer (2008Schäfer ( , 2012 and Ganenkov et al (2008) for the languages mentioned above. However, what is felt to be the most marked reading in other languages, often turns out to be the most easily accessible reading in Hungarian.…”

Section: Introductionsupporting

confidence: 69%

“…This paper aims to investigate whether Hungarian has the kind of unintended causation construction that has been reported to exist in the languages of the Balkan Sprachbund, Spanish, Italian, German, Polish, or in the East Caucasian languages (see, among others, Cuervo 2003;Ganenkov et al 2008;Kallulli 2006;2007;Rivero 2004;Schäfer 2008;2009;. The following German example from Schäfer (2008, 42) illustrates this construction:…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The previous literature has mostly focused on reading (i), but Ganenkov et al (2008) point out in reference to Kittilä (2005) that besides many East Caucasian languages, the same ambiguity is found in Bagwalal, Finnish and Thomson River Salish in oblique causer constructions. Schäfer (2008, 107-108) shows that the German, Italian and Greek oblique causer constructions allow for exactly the same three readings.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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On dative causers in Hungarian

Rákosi¹

2014

Acta Linguistica Hungarica

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This paper aims at investigating a special, causative use of dative case in Hungarian that has not received much attention in the literature so far. I show that Hungarian dative causers differ from dative causers in the languages of the Balkan Sprachbund, German, or Spanish in important ways. What makes Hungarian dative causers different is that they are not licensed and interpreted via syntactic structure but are lexically determined to be causative given that dative case has a special, causative lexical entry in Hungarian.

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Section: Introductionsupporting

confidence: 69%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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On dative causers in Hungarian

Rákosi¹

2014

Acta Linguistica Hungarica

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“…Albanian, Bulgarian, German, Greek, Italian, Polish, Romanian, Serbo‐Croatian, Slovenian, Spanish; cf. Cuervo 2003, Rivero 2004, Kallulli 2006, Schäfer 2008) and in many East‐Caucasian languages (Ganenkov et al 2008).…”

Section: Oblique Causersmentioning

confidence: 99%

Two Types of External Argument Licensing – The Case of Causers*

Schäfer¹

2012

Studia Linguistica

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Abstract. This article argues that the thematic licensing of causer arguments is not a strictly lexical property but depends on the event configuration within the verbal phrase. The central observation leading to this conclusion is that three morphosyntactically different types of causer‐DPs are subject to the same licensing condition: they are licit only in the context of a bi‐eventive, resultative event structure. This licensing constellation is not only provided by lexically bi‐eventive verbs, but also by overt syntactic composition of a mono‐eventive verb with a secondary result predicate where the mono‐eventive verb does not license causers on its own. The latter constellation argues against coding causer‐roles in a verb’s lexical entry. Instead, it argues for an account that assumes event decomposition of lexically resultative verbs and some version of a configurational θ‐theory. Concentrating on existing syntactic versions of such an account, it is shown that they need to be updated to cover the set of data presented in this paper. A central claim put forward is the need to dissociate the verbal layers introducing causative‐resultative event structure (which acts as thematic licenser of causers) from those layers introducing external arguments syntactically (formal licensers). Concerning the latter, it is shown that causers, although thematically external arguments, are not necessarily introduced by a Voice projection on top of the verbal predicate.

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“…(Agul, Huppuq' dialect; elicited example) There is no differential subject marking in Agul, 25 so dative subject encoding is the only option for the verb 'see', just as ergative subject encoding is the only 25 Variation in subject encoding is only found in Agul causatives, where either the original absolutive/ergative or the locative encoding of the causee is possible (cf. Section 2.1 and Daniel et al 2012), and in the Involuntary Agent construction, where the agent is marked by the locative case rather than the ergative (Ganenkov et al 2008); neither of these marking variations, however, is relevant to experiential verbs.…”

Section: The Verb 'See' As a Possible Lexical Sourcementioning

confidence: 96%

Morphological fusion without syntactic fusion: The case of the “verificative” in Agul

Maisak

2016

Linguistics

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A crosslinguistically unusual case of morphological fusion, in which two clauses fuse morphologically in the absence of preceding syntactic fusion or clause union, is found in the East Caucasian language Agul. This phenomenon involves a set of "verificative" verbal forms (forms that seek 'to find out the truth value or the value of an unknown variable'). The verificatives are completely morphologically bound, but manifest clear biclausal properties: in particular, the introduction of a new agentive argument by the verificative (the ergative "verifier") causes no change in the argument structure of the embedded clause. This article argues that the Agul verificative has grammaticalized from the matrix verb 'see' plus an indirect question complement in the conditional form: over time, the two verbal heads have fused into one form. Partial parallels to this development can be found in the related languages Archi and Lezgian, where a semantic shift from 'see' to 'check, find out' is attested, together with a change in subject encoding from typically experiential (dative) to canonically agentive (ergative). Still, the complete morphologization of the verificative structure in Agul dialects remains exceptional given its comparatively recent origin, the infrequency of the construction, and the general absence of observed cases in which matrix verbs become fused with their complements.

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Non-canonical Agent Marking in Agul

Cited by 73 publications

References 6 publications

On dative causers in Hungarian

On dative causers in Hungarian

Two Types of External Argument Licensing – The Case of Causers*

Morphological fusion without syntactic fusion: The case of the “verificative” in Agul

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