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His two extant plays set in the Ottoman court, Alaham and Mustapha, can be read as polyphonic articulations of moral instruction and political counsel, representing processes of ethical formation as experienced by young men. These plays turn Greville's tragic theories into practice. Greville's school and university education helped to form his ideas about how drama should instruct. The didactic impulse we see in the drama can be read against two other works: the Dedication to Sidney and his longer philosophical poem, 'A Treatie of Humane Learning'.In the Dedication to Sidney, that idiosyncratic combination of memoir of a lost friend, apologia for his own career, and literary treatise which he probably wrote in the early 1610s, 1 Fulke Greville states his 'purpose' for his two tragedies: 'to trace out the highways of ambitious governors, and to show in the practice of life that the more audacity, advantage and good success such sovereignties have, the more they hasten to their own desolation and ruin.' 2The two verbs Greville selected -'to trace out' and 'to show'present drama as a deliberate and instructive exposition of human behaviour, and imply a didactic tendency in fact borne out by the plays. Greville, like most of his contemporaries, had in mind the well-worn Roman rhetorical trio of docere, delectare, movere as the orator's (and, by extension, the author's) main responsibilities, 3 but when we read his plays, rather than balancing these three objectives equally, Greville usually tends to prioritise docere -'teaching'as his most conspicuous aim.
His two extant plays set in the Ottoman court, Alaham and Mustapha, can be read as polyphonic articulations of moral instruction and political counsel, representing processes of ethical formation as experienced by young men. These plays turn Greville's tragic theories into practice. Greville's school and university education helped to form his ideas about how drama should instruct. The didactic impulse we see in the drama can be read against two other works: the Dedication to Sidney and his longer philosophical poem, 'A Treatie of Humane Learning'.In the Dedication to Sidney, that idiosyncratic combination of memoir of a lost friend, apologia for his own career, and literary treatise which he probably wrote in the early 1610s, 1 Fulke Greville states his 'purpose' for his two tragedies: 'to trace out the highways of ambitious governors, and to show in the practice of life that the more audacity, advantage and good success such sovereignties have, the more they hasten to their own desolation and ruin.' 2The two verbs Greville selected -'to trace out' and 'to show'present drama as a deliberate and instructive exposition of human behaviour, and imply a didactic tendency in fact borne out by the plays. Greville, like most of his contemporaries, had in mind the well-worn Roman rhetorical trio of docere, delectare, movere as the orator's (and, by extension, the author's) main responsibilities, 3 but when we read his plays, rather than balancing these three objectives equally, Greville usually tends to prioritise docere -'teaching'as his most conspicuous aim.
This essay explores how Sidney's romance—particularly the narrative of Plangus and Erona—engages with the Elizabethan debate on idolatry and reflects the facts of Elizabethan iconoclasm to reveal a much more sympathetic attitude toward the relationship between art and religious worship than Sidney's reputation as a Protestant might suggest. Fundamental to this paradox is Cupid. The essay begins by tracing Sidney's encounter with the love god through Italian painting before considering Cupid's notoriety as a figure for pagan and Catholic idolatry and, finally, his spectacular revenge against the iconoclast in the Arcadia.
<p>This thesis explores the advent of gentlewomen's chymical activities in Elizabethan England. In the sixteenth century, chymistry gained widespread currency under Queen Elizabeth I. This thesis argues that the queen's significant chymical interests contributed to her iconography, thereby bridging England's previously discrete chymical and female realms. It shows that Elizabeth's influence and fundamental societal changes enabled women, beginning with the gentry, to acquire and apply chymical knowledge. Four case studies highlight the queen's impact on her female subjects through an examination of primary manuscript and printed sources. The Protestant gentlewomen Grace Mildmay, Mary Sidney Herbert, Margaret Hoby and Margaret Clifford may first have encountered chymistry in the manifestation of their religious beliefs through charitable healing, but they developed their knowledge in very different ways. Evidence of their engagement with chymical practitioners and writings provides context for their activities. Shared motivations led to divergent practices, indicating that chymistry in Elizabethan England took as many forms as there were practitioners. This thesis asserts the crucial importance of community to early modern chymists, noting courtly links and overlapping social circles. It contributes to limited historiography on Elizabethan alchemy as well as female alchemists.</p>
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