Abstract:El objetivo es analizar la competencia discursiva por significar la protesta #NoMeCuidanMeViolan, ocurrida en la Ciudad de México en 2019. Siguiendo la teoría y la metodología de la esfera civil, se analizaron las motivaciones, las relaciones y las instituciones que se imputaron al movimiento en la competencia por su sentido en cinco diarios de circulación nacional. En términos metodológicos, se revisaron 64 columnas periodísticas con el fin de identificar dichas imputaciones. La protesta detonó: 1) un espacio… Show more
“…In a comprehensive review of policing in Latin America, Yanilda González traces the persistence of coercive police practices well after periods of dictatorial rule, showing how meaningful police reforms have only happened sporadically [151]. Luz Cardona Acuña and Nelson Arteaga Botello [152] examine feminist movements denouncing continued reported cases of police sexual violence in Mexico, amplifying slogans such as "no nos cuidan, nos violan" ("they don't protect us, they rape us"), and "atacan a una y nos atacan a todas" ("an attack on one is an attack on us all"). Further research is greatly needed to understand issues of police brutality in Mexico, as well as movements to develop socially just alternatives.…”
Section: Discussion and Areas For Future Researchmentioning
As policy makers grapple with rapid motorization processes, cycling facilities are gaining new urgency, offering non-polluting and affordable alternatives to automobility. At the same time, urban sustainability paradigms tend to focus on purely technical solutions to transportation challenges, leaving questions of history and social power aside. Drawing from ethnographic fieldwork in Aguascalientes Mexico, this article contributes to the transportation and mobility justice literature by focusing on the work of social movements in confronting a variety of challenges in the provision of active-transportation services. First, this research explores how social movements express and negotiate transportation-justice concerns to government and planning authorities. Next, I build on the concept of insurgent citizenship to highlight the processes through which residents contest ongoing injustices and formulate alternatives for building inclusive cities. From the creation of makeshift cycling lanes in underserved urban areas to the search for socially just alternative to policing, social movements are forging new pathways to re-envision sustainable transportation systems. These insurgent forms of citymaking—understood here as insurgent mobilities—underscore the creative role of citizens in producing the city as well as the enormous amount of care work involved in these processes.
“…In a comprehensive review of policing in Latin America, Yanilda González traces the persistence of coercive police practices well after periods of dictatorial rule, showing how meaningful police reforms have only happened sporadically [151]. Luz Cardona Acuña and Nelson Arteaga Botello [152] examine feminist movements denouncing continued reported cases of police sexual violence in Mexico, amplifying slogans such as "no nos cuidan, nos violan" ("they don't protect us, they rape us"), and "atacan a una y nos atacan a todas" ("an attack on one is an attack on us all"). Further research is greatly needed to understand issues of police brutality in Mexico, as well as movements to develop socially just alternatives.…”
Section: Discussion and Areas For Future Researchmentioning
As policy makers grapple with rapid motorization processes, cycling facilities are gaining new urgency, offering non-polluting and affordable alternatives to automobility. At the same time, urban sustainability paradigms tend to focus on purely technical solutions to transportation challenges, leaving questions of history and social power aside. Drawing from ethnographic fieldwork in Aguascalientes Mexico, this article contributes to the transportation and mobility justice literature by focusing on the work of social movements in confronting a variety of challenges in the provision of active-transportation services. First, this research explores how social movements express and negotiate transportation-justice concerns to government and planning authorities. Next, I build on the concept of insurgent citizenship to highlight the processes through which residents contest ongoing injustices and formulate alternatives for building inclusive cities. From the creation of makeshift cycling lanes in underserved urban areas to the search for socially just alternative to policing, social movements are forging new pathways to re-envision sustainable transportation systems. These insurgent forms of citymaking—understood here as insurgent mobilities—underscore the creative role of citizens in producing the city as well as the enormous amount of care work involved in these processes.
Se analiza la competencia por el control del sentido del comportamiento electoral en junio de 2021 en la ciudad de México. A través de la sociología cultural se explora, en las columnas políticas de cinco periódicos, cómo dicha competencia expresa las estructuras culturales profundas que califican o descalifican como civilmente puro o impuro al electorado en función de su comportamiento en las urnas. Se muestra cómo el presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador calificó como civilmente puro a sus electores del oriente de la ciudad porque su pobreza y compromiso político los inmunizó del bombardeo mediático contra su gobierno; mientras los electores de la zona poniente fueron considerados impuros porque fueron manipulados por medios de comunicación conservadores. Los críticos a López Obrador acusaron que el voto opositor fue la expresión de un electorado autónomo cansado del discurso polarizador del presidente. No se explora la competencia en la radio, televisión y redes sociales. El trabajo es relevante porque analiza cómo se construyeron dos horizontes narrativos del sentido del comportamiento electoral: uno de carácter horizontal, que opuso al oriente vis-à-vis al poniente de la ciudad o clases populares vis-à-vis clases medias, y otro horizonte narrativo vertical, que opuso clases medias vis-à-vis el presidente.
El artículo analiza cómo el colapso de la línea 12 del metro de la Ciudad de México (L-12) disparó un proceso de societalización en el que se acusó a las élites políticas de ser responsables del accidente, exigiendo que asumieran su responsabilidad. La societalización sucede cuando una disfunción inherente de las instituciones deja de estar bajo el control discursivo y simbólico de las élites políticas y es colonizada por la esfera civil. El proceso de societalización de la tragedia de la L-12, se reconstruyó analizando las columnas políticas de cinco periódicos nacionales; se reconoce estas pueden estar sesgadas en las interpretaciones que ofrecen, ya que parten de marcos de interpretación y referentes morales distintos. Este sesgo es importante porque permite observar cómo las interpretaciones activan el proceso de societalización. La societalización del accidente en la L-12 no generó sanciones a los responsables porque la polarización social en el país impidió crear un estándar común de evaluación civil. Consecuentemente, es necesario explorar el peso de las organizaciones civiles en el proceso de societalización, así como de las élites políticas para frenar dicho proceso.
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