2017
DOI: 10.1007/s12116-017-9255-9
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No Colonial Working Class, No Post-Colonial Development: a Comparative-Historical Analysis of Two Oil-Rich Countries

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Cited by 5 publications
(8 citation statements)
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“…The less-repressive state in Trinidad and Tobago allowed the development of a more cohesive working class which, in turn, influenced the development of the state bureaucracy into one characterized by more professionalism and less corruption compared to its West African counterpart. While Edwards focuses on how each working class evolved in these two states as a direct result of union strength and cohesion, she recognizes how the differing levels of repression influenced each union movement’s ability to press for change (Edwards 2018, 489).…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…The less-repressive state in Trinidad and Tobago allowed the development of a more cohesive working class which, in turn, influenced the development of the state bureaucracy into one characterized by more professionalism and less corruption compared to its West African counterpart. While Edwards focuses on how each working class evolved in these two states as a direct result of union strength and cohesion, she recognizes how the differing levels of repression influenced each union movement’s ability to press for change (Edwards 2018, 489).…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Trinidad and Tobago, meanwhile, observes a labor share of income that while still relatively low, is 6 percentage points higher than Gabon and has a much higher mean Polity score 7 as opposed to Gabon's -5. I draw on case study analysis by Zophia Edwards that compares both nations, focusing on the relationship between politics and labor regulations in these two oil-rich states (Edwards 2018).…”
Section: Regime Type Labor and Labor Share Of Incomementioning
confidence: 99%
“…The origins of developmental state structures have been traced to the form of colonial rule imposed upon a colonized territory (Kohli 2004; see also Lange 2009; Mahoney 2010). However, in other cases, including Trinidad and Tobago, industrial policies and state structures in the postcolonial period departed to some degree from those of the colonial state (Vu 2007; Edwards 2017, 2018). In these cases, mass-based movements and organizations that challenged imperial, colonial, and racial domination have been central to altering the state’s involvement in the economy.…”
Section: Literature Reviewmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In answering the call to address these weaknesses, more recent scholarship looks beyond the relationship between political elites and the capitalist class and shows that the relationship between political elites and the masses has been consequential to state structures and policies. Working class movements (Edwards 2017, 2018; Perry 2018, 2022; Teichman 2019) and “restive popular sectors” (Doner et al 2005) have pushed state elites to alter industrial policy and construct more developmental institutions. How elites respond to each other (such as alliances or fragmentation) and to challenges from mass movements also determines the degree of state cohesion (Vu 2010) and durability of authoritarian regimes (Slater 2010).…”
Section: Literature Reviewmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Representation and participation should empower those at the bottom of the socioeconomic ladder, but they often do not (Gilens, 2012). Indeed, the workers at the lower rungs of the occupational ladder are essential to economic development, but their contributions are overlooked (Edwards, 2018).…”
Section: Mass Discoordinationmentioning
confidence: 99%