Nietzsche on Reality as Will to Power: Toward an &amp;quot;Organization–Struggle&amp;quot; Model

Aydin, Ciano

doi:10.1353/nie.2007.0002

Cited by 18 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 11 publications

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“…He conceives of this as a struggle to overcompensate for energetic losses and use the resulting surplus to grow or reproduce. 17 On Roux's analysis, the consumption of nutrients involves a process of assimilation, which consists in the ability of the part in question 'to uniformly transform foreign objects within itself, to 14 See also Aydin (2007).…”

Section: Inquirymentioning

confidence: 99%

Nietzsche on the necessity of repression

Pearson

2018

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It has become orthodox to read Nietzsche as proposing the 'sublimation' of troublesome behavioural impulses. On this interpretation, he is said to denigrate the elimination of our impulses, preferring that we master them by pressing them into the service of our higher goals. My thesis is that this reading of Nietzsche's conception of self-cultivation does not bear scrutiny. Closer examination of his later thought reveals numerous texts that show him explicitly recommending an eliminatory approach to self-cultivation. I invoke his theory of the will to power in order to explain why he persistently valorises both elimination and sublimation as preconditions of healthy subjective unity. I conclude that which of these two approaches he recommends in a given situation depends on whether or not the impulse in question can be put to use within the overall economy of our drives.

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Section: Inquirymentioning

confidence: 99%

Nietzsche on the necessity of repression

Pearson

2018

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“…The difference between humans does not stem from a pre‐established metaphysical order, but from the historical contingency in which drives organize themselves. The organization of drives, according to Nietzsche, can be disempowering and therefore decadent if it is too loose and there is no organizing force, or if the hierarchy is too rigid and there is one drive that tyrannizes the pulsional economy in such a way that it inhibits the expression of other drives (Aydin : 39)…”

Section: Nietzschementioning

confidence: 99%

Spinoza and Nietzsche on Freedom Empowerment and Affirmation

Ioan¹

2017

European J of Philosophy

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Against much of the philosophical tradition, Spinoza and Nietzsche defend an understanding of freedom opposed to free will and formulated as an ethical ideal consisting in a transition from a smaller to a greater power of acting. Starting from a shared commitment to necessity and radical immanence, they present freedom as a passage to a greater power of self‐determination and self‐expression of the body. Nevertheless, the continuities between their power ontologies and their respective commitments to a life of knowledge break down in their discussion of the various possible manifestations of power. I will argue that Nietzsche's distinctive formulation of power as struggle between wills to power enables him to formulate the question of the qualitative dimension of empowerment in a way that is foreign to Spinoza's rational determinism. While acknowledging the profound similarities, I will argue that we must see Nietzsche's discussion of affirmation as the culmination of his disagreement with his predecessor on the topic of freedom and empowerment.

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“…As such, the will to power for Nietzsche is necessarily relational (and, thus, historically and geographically situated), produced by its push against multiple others’ wills to power. According to Aydin, “Any instance of will to power as such cannot be a durable and independent unity—it is always a variable and relational multiplicity held together, and those wills to power exist only as a multiplicity of wills to power, and so on ad infinitum” (Aydin 2007, 30). There is no difficulty seeing the extension of colonial power in British Columbia as an example of situated will to power; our point here is twofold: first, that colonial power must always be understood as actively in struggle with First Nations’ will to power, as well as with several other systems of organization and ways of inhabiting the land, and second, that the present‐day government's apparent efforts at reconciliation are no less a will to power.…”

Section: Nietzsche and The Postcolonialmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…For Nietzsche, there is no moral judgment one way or the other regarding the will to power; he proposes “our entire instinctive life as the development and ramification of one basic form of the will—namely, of the will to power” (Nietzsche 1989 36:48). Indeed, Aydin identifies this “one basic form” as the totality of reality itself in Nietzsche's philosophy (Aydin 2007, 25). All beings (individuals or groups) engage in power games wherein different subconscious drives (in the first instance) to command, define, and organize come into conflict and struggle for supremacy; it is through successful articulation and promotion that a given entity's will to power produces the effect of reality (over and against those wills to power that are subordinated).…”

Section: Nietzsche and The Postcolonialmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…All beings (individuals or groups) engage in power games wherein different subconscious drives (in the first instance) to command, define, and organize come into conflict and struggle for supremacy; it is through successful articulation and promotion that a given entity's will to power produces the effect of reality (over and against those wills to power that are subordinated). Indeed, according to Nietzsche, successful articulation obscures the produced and dynamic nature of reality and substitutes the seeming stability of “ground forms” and the “illusion of finality” (Aydin 2007, 29, 40). In this way, the concept of will to power serves as a useful point of entry into consideration of the durable and power‐laden geographies of the (post‐) modern western state and late‐capitalist industrial resource extraction that constitute the reality, which First Nations across British Columbia are trying to remake.…”

Section: Nietzsche and The Postcolonialmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Unstable properties: British Columbia, aboriginal title, and the “new relationship”

Wood

Rossiter

2011

Canadian Geographies / Géographies canadiennes

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In the span of a few years, Premier Gordon Campbell transformed himself from a strong political critic of Aboriginal peoples in British Columbia to their apparent champion within a “new relationship.” The subsequent sudden collapse of Campbell's alliance with First Nations is a window into federal‐provincial relations, constitutional change, Aboriginal political organization, and the consequences of decisions made more than a century ago. Drawing on Nietzsche, we argue that Campbell's intentions, either to control or support Aboriginal peoples, were almost irrelevant; our focus should be on the “will to power” and efforts to stabilize power through territory. As a result of the collision of Aboriginal political mobilization, the expansion of natural resource development, and a series of court decisions, the unresolved nature of Canada's territorial claim to most of the land that is now British Columbia has finally reached a point where it can no longer be ignored, either politically or legally. However, the province lacks the legal authority to recognize or deny Aboriginal title, leaving the provincial government and indigenous peoples in British Columbia equally held hostage by the federal government.

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Nietzsche on Reality as Will to Power: Toward an "Organization–Struggle" Model

Cited by 18 publications

References 11 publications

Nietzsche on the necessity of repression

Nietzsche on the necessity of repression

Spinoza and Nietzsche on Freedom Empowerment and Affirmation

Unstable properties: British Columbia, aboriginal title, and the “new relationship”

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