New York and Amsterdam

Foner, Nancy; Rath, Jan; Duyvendak, Jan Willem; Reekum, Rogier van

doi:10.18574/nyu/9780814738092.001.0001

Cited by 26 publications

(1 citation statement)

References 68 publications

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“…Other comparative studies focused on specific aspects of local policy such as housing and segregation patterns (Musterd, Ostendorf and Breebaart, 1998), policing (Body-Gendrot, 2000), the institutionalisation of Islam (Rath et al, 2001) or the management of diversity in the implementation of local policies (Moore, 2001). In more recent years there have been a diversification of topics and cases, including studies on policy areas such as employment (Aybek, 2010;Vermeulen and Stotijn, 2010), education (Bruquetas-Callejo, 2014) or de-radicalisation (Van Heelsum, 2011) and taking cases beyond the more traditionally studied Western European cities (Crul and Holdaway, 2009;Foner et al, 2014;Schmidtke, 2014).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Integration Policies of European Cities in Comparative Perspective: Structural Convergence and Substantial Differentiation

Penninx

Garcés-Mascareñas

2016

MET

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godina 32, kolovoz 2016, broj 2: 155-189 155 0 5 25 75 95 100 logo -prijedlog 13. SUMMARYThis article aims to review the comparative study of integration policies of European cities. The first two sections present an analytical framework for the study of immigrants' integration processes and the policies that intend to steer such processes. The third section outlines how local integration policies have developed in relation to national policies and EU integration policies, particularly after 2003. The fourth and main section analyses the framing and content of integration policies of European cities, looking at their diversity in the legal/political dimension, the socio-economic dimension -including the domains of work, housing, education and health -and the cultural, religious and ethnic dimension. It is concluded that there is a structural convergence, in the sense that in the complex structure of multilevel governance of migration and integration, cities do take a similar position, developing horizontal relations of cooperation and exchange. Cities that develop explicit integration policies tend to do this from a more inclusive and pragmatic framing than national and EUpolicies. At the same time, there is great variation in what cities actually do: in the legal/political and in the cultural/religious dimensions, framing, intentions and measures do vary greatly; in the socio-economic dimension this variation is less when it comes to the domains of activity, but more in the intensity of policy intervention.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Integration Policies of European Cities in Comparative Perspective: Structural Convergence and Substantial Differentiation

Penninx

Garcés-Mascareñas

2016

MET

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Ireland¹

2017

Migrant Integration in Times of Economic Crisis

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Rotterdam as a Case of Complexity Reduction: Migration from Central and Eastern European Countries

Snel

Ostaijen

Hart

2018

IMISCOE Research Series

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Various authors have described the Netherlands as a 'reluctant country of immigration'. Although the Netherlands was de facto an immigration country, until recently it seemed unwilling to admit it (Cornelius et al. 2004; Muus 2004; Van Meeteren et al. 2013). Similarly, with 174 different nationalities in the city, Rotterdam is characterised by 'superdiversity' (Vertovec 2007). But unlike cities such as London or Amsterdam who celebrate their diverse populations, Rotterdam is rather reluctant to do so. Rotterdam local politics and local policies seldom welcome ethnic and cultural diversity in the city. They rather underline the problems related to the presence of migrants and their families, particularly when they live concentrated in certain Rotterdam districts. This reluctance is also apparent in the reaction of Rotterdam authorities to the arrival and settlement of new migrants from Central and Eastern Europe in the aftermath of the EU-enlargement in 2004, the central topic of this chapter. Although statistics about the size of Central and Eastern European (further CEE) migrants and how many families actually live in the city are contested, Rotterdam authorities estimated their numbers to be up to 50,000 (Municipality Rotterdam 2015). However, as Vertovec (2007: 1025) stresses, superdiversity is not only about more ethnicities or nationalities in receiving communities, but it is also about a "multiplication" of other relevant variables such as differential immigration statuses or labour market outcomes. As we shall argue, CEE labour migrants in Rotterdam are a diverse population in various respects. Firstly, in terms of temporality. Although many CEE labour migrants are typical temporary or 'circular' migrants, who travel

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New York and Amsterdam

Cited by 26 publications

References 68 publications

Integration Policies of European Cities in Comparative Perspective: Structural Convergence and Substantial Differentiation

Integration Policies of European Cities in Comparative Perspective: Structural Convergence and Substantial Differentiation

Methods

Rotterdam as a Case of Complexity Reduction: Migration from Central and Eastern European Countries

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