New Orleans: The Ambivalent City

Whelan, Robert K.; Young, Alma H.

doi:10.4135/9781483325781.n9

Cited by 9 publications

(6 citation statements)

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“…The city lost more than 34 000 residents during the 1960s, more than 35 000 during the 1970s, more than 60 000 in the 1980s and more than 10 000 from 1990 to 2000 (see Table 1). In recent years, local public officials, scholars and journalists have acknowledged the deleterious effects of the racial segregation in area schools and housing, the loss of manufacturing jobs and increasing blight and rising poverty while downtown redevelopment and suburban growth have been taking place (Lauria et al, 1995;Whelan and Young, 1991;Brooks and Young, 1993). As of 1995, more than half the children living in New Orleans, 51.6 per cent, were living below the federal poverty level.…”

Section: Building a Tourist Citymentioning

confidence: 97%

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Tourism Gentrification: The Case of New Orleans' Vieux Carre (French Quarter)

Gotham¹

2005

Urban Studies

474

232

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This paper examines the process of 'tourism gentrification' using a case study of the socio-spatial transformation of New Orleans' Vieux Carre (French Quarter) over the past halfcentury. Tourism gentrification refers to the transformation of a middle-class neighbourhood into a relatively affluent and exclusive enclave marked by a proliferation of corporate entertainment and tourism venues. Historically, the Vieux Carre has been the home of diverse groups of people. Over the past two decades, however, median incomes and property values have increased, escalating rents have pushed out lower-income people and African Americans, and tourist attractions and large entertainment clubs now dominate much of the neighbourhood. It is argued that the changing flows of capital into the real estate market combined with the growth of tourism enhance the significance of consumption-oriented activities in residential space and encourage gentrification. The paper contests explanations that view gentrification as an expression of consumer demands, individual preferences or market laws of supply and demand. It examines how the growth of securitisation, changes in consumption and increasing dominance of large entertainment firms manifest through the development of a tourism industry in New Orleans, giving gentrification its own distinct dynamic and local quality.

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Section: Building a Tourist Citymentioning

confidence: 97%

“…and increasing blight and rising poverty while downtown redevelopment and suburban growth have been taking place (Lauria et al, 1995;Whelan and Young, 1991;Brooks and Young, 1993). As of 1995, more than half the children living in New Orleans, 51.6 per cent, were living below the federal poverty level.…”

Section: Building a Tourist Citymentioning

confidence: 99%

Tourism Gentrification: The Case of New Orleans' Vieux Carre (French Quarter)

Gotham¹

2005

Urban Studies

474

232

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“…Critics argued that the exposition's residual products such as riverfront development, new corporate hotel chains and reinvestment in the Warehouse District did little to address wider social problems, including neighbourhood disinvestment, racial polarisation and skyrocketing rents (Times-Picayune, 1983d. For critics, exposition attractions and other tourism developments seemed increasingly divorced from the problems and concerns of the city's neighbourhoods and working people (Smith and Keller, 1986;Hirsch, 1983;Whelan and Young, 1991; for an overview, see Gotham, 2007).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Resisting Urban Spectacle: The 1984 Louisiana World Exposition and the Contradictions of Mega Events

Gotham

2010

Urban Studies

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This paper examines the planning and staging of the 1984 Louisiana Exposition, the last world’s fair in the United States, and makes comparisons with other US world’s fairs, to provide insight into the sources of opposition and resistance to urban spectacles. Drawing on the work of Guy Debord and his concept of the ‘society of the spectacle’, this paper advances a conception of mega events as spectacles of contestation that embody contradictory tendencies and articulate conflictual and opposing meanings of urban space and reality. Rather than obscuring and camouflaging urban problems, mega events like world’s fairs express social inequalities and display highly contradictory urban representations that can spawn resistant agendas, complicate élite redevelopment agendas and divide pro-growth coalitions. Through a critical interrogation of the Debordian concept of spectacle, the analysis in this paper suggests a new theory of mega events as sites of struggle and articulators of political dissent, a conception that helps to explain the increasing international opposition and protest against the Olympics and the mega-event strategy.

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“…Professionals and other segments of the population increasingly became concerned about quality-of-life issues such as traffic and pollution (Abbott, 1987;Bridges, 1990Bridges, , 1992Judd & Swanstrom, 1994;Miller, 1988;Mohl, 1990;Savitch & Thomas, 1991). Several case studies point to similar phenomena in San Antonio (Johnson, 1983;Munoz, 1994), Houston (Kaplan, 1983;MacManus, 1983;Shelton et al, 1989;Thomas & Murray, 1991), Atlanta (Newman, 1994;Rice, 1983;Stone, 1989), Tampa(Mormin0, 1983;Kerstein, 1991Kerstein, ,1993, Dallas (Melosi, 1983), New Orleans (Hirsch, 1983, Whelan, 1987Whelan & Young, 1991;Whelan, Young, & Luria, 1994), Miami (Mohl, 1983;Vogel & Stowers, 1991), Albuquerque (Rabinowitz, 1983), and several other Sunbelt cities, although the authors disagree on the extent of political and policy change that has occurred.…”

Section: Sunbelt Politics: 1965-presentmentioning

confidence: 96%