“…Unconstrained by responsibility, populist parties tend to compete by stressing issues that mainstream parties have avoided for a long time (e.g. Bardi et al 2014;Hino 2012). Hence, our first hypothesis is that populist parties are more responsive to the salience of issues for the public than mainstream parties (Hypothesis 1).…”
Section: Populism Responsiveness and Liberal Democracymentioning
This paper examines the responsiveness of populist parties to the salience of issues amongst the public focusing on a large number of issues on which parties campaign during elections. The paper investigates both left-and right-wing populist parties comparatively in three countries, namely Austria, Germany and Italy. We find that while populist parties carry out an important responsiveness function, they are only slightly more responsive than their mainstream counterparts on the issues they own. The results of this paper have important implications for our understanding of political representation and the future of the populist appeal.
“…Unconstrained by responsibility, populist parties tend to compete by stressing issues that mainstream parties have avoided for a long time (e.g. Bardi et al 2014;Hino 2012). Hence, our first hypothesis is that populist parties are more responsive to the salience of issues for the public than mainstream parties (Hypothesis 1).…”
Section: Populism Responsiveness and Liberal Democracymentioning
This paper examines the responsiveness of populist parties to the salience of issues amongst the public focusing on a large number of issues on which parties campaign during elections. The paper investigates both left-and right-wing populist parties comparatively in three countries, namely Austria, Germany and Italy. We find that while populist parties carry out an important responsiveness function, they are only slightly more responsive than their mainstream counterparts on the issues they own. The results of this paper have important implications for our understanding of political representation and the future of the populist appeal.
“…Parties of a new brand have entered the parliamentary assemblies: particularly green, nationalist-populist, and regionalist parties. On the whole this has complicated the decision-making process, and made coalition and minority governments more frequent (Hino 2012). …”
“…In general, however, despite a varied range of approaches from different authors, there is no clear agreement on how to define the new political party. Similarly, there is no clear consensus on how this proclaimed novelty can be measured and whether it is rather a difficult conceptually and empirically comprehensible phenomenon (for example Hug 1996Hug , 2000Hug and 2001Lucardie 2000;Barnea -Rahat 2011;Hanley 2011;Hino 2012;Sikk 2012;Šárovec 2016 and2019a). Similarly, the theory is oriented both toward the dimension of the political party as a separate entity, as well as on the overall transformation of the party system into a nation -wide dimension, often with appropriate empirical overlaps.…”
Section: Theoretical Aspects Of the New Political Parties' Researchmentioning
New political parties can be essential holders of party systems' change. A lot of scholars underline this reality. In fact, it is often not enough only to establish a new political subject. There is a significant relationship between a new party emergence and the subsequent electoral success, which is often an overlooked research dimension. This article intends to focus on the most important features narrowly connected with new political parties' study approaches. There is no concurrence on what a new political party exactly is. It is possible to find a whole range of high -quality based articles exploring newness in a current or recent state of knowledge. Despite it, this research still has several substantial doubts about this question. Examples of Czech political parties that have been successful in the first -order elections (FOE) and where the problematic aspects of their declared novelty can be traced will be compared here. The evidence of complexity pertaining to this phenomenon is obvious: every political party is new in the moment of its formation in reality, but on the other hand not every political party is new regarding an appropriate theoretical concept. This empirical base shows that declared novelty can be rather more a tool of broader communication and image strategy than a real indisputable party attribute. Dawn -Dawn of Direct Democracy (Úsvit přímé demokracie) FOE -first -order elections KDU -ČSL -Christian and Democratic Union -Czechoslovak People's Party (Křesťanská a demokratická unie -Československá strana lidová) KSČM -Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (Komunistická strana Čech a Moravy) LIDEM -Liberal Democracy (Liberální demokracie) MS Piráti -Moravian and Silesian Pirate Party (Moravská a Slezská pirátská strana) ODA -Civic Democratic Alliance (Občanská demokratická aliance) ODS -Civic Democratic Party (Občanská demokratická strana) PP -Czech Pirate Party (Česká pirátská strana) PRO2016 -Political movement PRO 2016 (Politické hnutí PRO 2016) SPD -Freedom and Direct Democracy -Tomio Okamura (Svoboda a přímá demokracie -Tomio Okamura) STAN -Mayors and Independents (Starostové a nezávislí) SZ -Green Party (Strana zelených)
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