Abstract:Adolescent societies—whether arising from weak, short-term classroom friendships or from close, long-term friendships—exhibit various levels of network clustering, segregation, and hierarchy. Some are rank-ordered caste systems and others are flat, cliquish worlds. Explaining the source of such structural variation remains a challenge, however, because global network features are generally treated as the agglomeration of micro-level tie-formation mechanisms, namely balance, homophily, and dominance. How do the… Show more
“…A social-psychological preference for same-ethnic friendship is difficult to measure directly, and for the purpose of this study it is sufficient to regard such a preference as the incidence of same-ethnic friendships in school classes net of the availability of different ethnic groups in those classes ði.e., the opportunity structureÞ and several other possible drivers of same-ethnic friendship. Although there is no perfect fit between same-ethnic friendship preferences in theory and our proxy for same-ethnic friendship preferences, it is consistent with prior published work ðe.g., Stark and Flache 2012;McFarland et al 2014;Smith, Maas, and Van Tubergen 2014Þ. Prior research on ethnic segregation is unclear as to how and why the ethnic composition of a class affects same-ethnic friendship selections above and beyond the opportunity to associate with same-ethnic peers. Part of this confusion can be attributed to different conceptualizations of ethnic composition.…”
Ethnically diverse settings provide opportunities for interethnic friendship but can also increase the preference for same-ethnic friendship. Therefore, same-ethnic friendship preferences, or ethnic homophily, can work at cross-purposes with policy recommendations to diversify ethnic representation in social settings. In order to effectively overcome ethnic segregation, we need to identify those factors within diverse settings that exacerbate the tendency toward ethnic homophily. Using unique data and multiple network analyses, the authors examine 529 adolescent friendship networks in English, German, Dutch, and Swedish schools and find that the ethnic composition of school classes relates differently to immigrant and native homophily. Immigrant homophily disproportionately increases as immigrants see more same-ethnic peers, and friendship density among natives has no effect on this. By contrast, native homophily remains relatively low until natives see dense groups of immigrants. The authors' results suggest that theories of interethnic competition and contact opportunities apply differently to ethnic majority and minority groups.
“…A social-psychological preference for same-ethnic friendship is difficult to measure directly, and for the purpose of this study it is sufficient to regard such a preference as the incidence of same-ethnic friendships in school classes net of the availability of different ethnic groups in those classes ði.e., the opportunity structureÞ and several other possible drivers of same-ethnic friendship. Although there is no perfect fit between same-ethnic friendship preferences in theory and our proxy for same-ethnic friendship preferences, it is consistent with prior published work ðe.g., Stark and Flache 2012;McFarland et al 2014;Smith, Maas, and Van Tubergen 2014Þ. Prior research on ethnic segregation is unclear as to how and why the ethnic composition of a class affects same-ethnic friendship selections above and beyond the opportunity to associate with same-ethnic peers. Part of this confusion can be attributed to different conceptualizations of ethnic composition.…”
Ethnically diverse settings provide opportunities for interethnic friendship but can also increase the preference for same-ethnic friendship. Therefore, same-ethnic friendship preferences, or ethnic homophily, can work at cross-purposes with policy recommendations to diversify ethnic representation in social settings. In order to effectively overcome ethnic segregation, we need to identify those factors within diverse settings that exacerbate the tendency toward ethnic homophily. Using unique data and multiple network analyses, the authors examine 529 adolescent friendship networks in English, German, Dutch, and Swedish schools and find that the ethnic composition of school classes relates differently to immigrant and native homophily. Immigrant homophily disproportionately increases as immigrants see more same-ethnic peers, and friendship density among natives has no effect on this. By contrast, native homophily remains relatively low until natives see dense groups of immigrants. The authors' results suggest that theories of interethnic competition and contact opportunities apply differently to ethnic majority and minority groups.
“…capturing two underlying dimensions (racial/ Hispanic salience). Similar examples can be found in effectively every subfield in the discipline; recent examples include such diverse topics as network structure among adolescents and labor markets in the pre-civil war south (e.g., McFarland et al 2014;Ruef 2012;Smith and Faris 2015). The hope is that this approach will make it easier to characterize theoretical tables in continuous terms: where it becomes easier to specify (and test) complicated hypotheses, those representing blends, or mixtures, of the core hypotheses.…”
Where do individuals identifying as Hispanic fit in the racial landscape of the United States? The answer offered by past work is complex: The empirical results do not lend themselves to simple interpretation as no single hypothesis fits the Hispanic case very well. Instead, Hispanic integration is described as mixtures of different archetypical hypotheses, like panethnic formation, white assimilation, and racialized assimilation. My goal is to develop a formal framework to help make sense of this complex picture. I extend past work by showing which combination of integration processes (panethnic formation, white assimilation, etc.) best characterizes Hispanic marriage patterns. I make two analytical contributions. First, I organize past Hispanic hypotheses, both archetypical and blended, into a single theoretical framework defined by the salience of race and Hispanic ethnicity. Second, I parametize this theoretical framework using latent social space models. In this way, I am able to specify a set of interconnected, complex hypotheses in a tractable manner. I follow past work and use marriage/cohabitation data to test the hypotheses. Using American Community Survey data (2010)(2011)(2012), I find that Hispanic marriage/cohabitation patterns suggest high salience on both race and Hispanic ethnicity. Thus, categories like black-Mexican or white-Cuban represent relationally distinct social categories-distinct from both non-Hispanic racial categories (e.g., black or white) and Hispanic categories of a different racial identity.
“…Because forming friends depends on the decisions that individuals make within structural constraints, researchers have adopted many analytical perspectives. They have focused on individual factors such as race, gender, and class (Eder and Hallinan 1978;Tuma and Hallinan 1979;Haselager et al 1998;Moody 2001;Vaquera and Kao 2008;Crosnoe, Frank, and Mueller 2008;Rude and Herda 2010 ), on dyadic factors such as homophily or reciprocity (Kandel 1978, Goodreau, Kitts, andMorris 2009), on structural factors such as balance and transitivity (Hallinan and Hutchins 1980;McFarland et al 2014;Rambaran et al 2015), and on contextual factors such as classroom size and group assignment (Hallinan 1976;Hallinan and Tuma 1978;Frank, Muller, and Mueller 2013;see Verbrugge 1977).…”
Section: Friendship Formation Among Childrenmentioning
While many studies have examined friendship formation among children in conventional contexts, comparatively fewer have examined how the process is shaped by neighborhood violence. The literature on violence and gangs has identified coping strategies that likely affect friendships, but most children in violent neighborhoods are not gang members, and not all friendship relations involve gangs. We examine the friendship-formation process based on in-depth interviews with 72 students, parents, and teachers in two elementary schools in violent Chicago neighborhoods. All students were African American boys and girls ages 11 to 15. We find that while conventional studies depict friendship formation among children as largely affective in nature, the process among the students we observed was, instead, primarily strategic. The children's strategies were not singular but heterogeneous and malleable in nature. We identify and document five distinct strategies: protection seeking, avoidance, testing, cultivating questioners, and kin reliance. Girls were as affected as boys were, and they also reported additional preoccupations associated with sexual violence. We discuss implications for theories of friendship formation, violence, and neighborhood effects.
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